A ccording to the International Crisis Group, peace in Darfur
would pose two serious threats to the Sudanese government in Khartoum.
The first would be that if during the free elections, expected
to be held in 2009, a Darfuri political party, alone or in concert
with the Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM), the Umma party
or other groups, came to the fore, it would threaten the Islamic
National Congress Party (NCP). Secondly, as a result of regional
stability, the International Criminal Court would find investigating
war and humanity crimes committed by nefarious rulers much easier.
As countermeasures to this eventual menace, the Sudanese government
is employing four tactics: weakening the rebellion using a “divide
and rule' strategy; selectively arming certain tribal groups and
militias; holding unilateral negotiations with various rebel commanders,
notably in Gebel Mara, as presidential adviser Nafie Ali Nafie
recently proclaimed; and lastly pursuing military action. The whole
makes for generalized chaos. Security and Intelligence Minister
Abdullah Gosh has had a hand in fomenting the pandemonium.
In any case, after bombing designated terrain in order to prevent
the various factions of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) from meeting
and unifying their peace demands, Khartoum announced its willingness
to remodel and adapt the Abuja Accords while expressing profound
disappointment that the rebels had not been able to arrive at common
grounds for negotiations!! At the same time, Khartoum deemed useless
a hybrid United Nations/African Union force as the government was
set on achieving peace. The hybrid force has three stages. At times
Khartoum accepts the second phase, but then suddenly reverses its
position.
In the meantime, the SPLM intervened. It organized a committee
under the leadership of Clement Janda. He has been given the task
of uniting Darfuri rebel factions in Juba mid June, to arrive at
a unified peace proposal. His team has received African Union and
UN approval. An excellent initiative has been to question displaced
persons in Darfur. Janda has spoken with tribal leaders as well.
But have these tribal chiefs been planted by Khartoum? Are the
meetings with Arabs and Janjaweed militiamen as well? No intervention
contingent will ever arrive at disarming these forces after a peace
accord is signed as long as the leaders have not been persuaded
there are advantages to be had. One possible incentive may shortly
go into play. Very recently an ancient lake dating back to an undetermined
geological era was discovered in North-Darfur with a surface area
estimated a 30,000 square kilometers and containing close to 2350
cubic kilometers water ; it has allegedly filtered sandstone. The
discovery holds immense development potential for Arab tribes in
proximity, the same tribes that have furnished Janjaweed fighters,
keeping them aloof of Africans. And then, does this committee foresee
an inclusive peace agreement without Khartoum's authorization?
Eritrea attempted to pull the rug out from under the South when
it precipitated a meeting between several rebel groups in Darfur,
inviting Libya, Chad, and Southern Sudanese leaders. These disparate
and uncoordinated efforts do not favor the peace agenda rather
work in Khartoum's favor. Eritrea seems only to want to patronize
the National Redemption Front (NRF) rebel alliance, and Libya to
sanction the rebels. However Eritrea had convened SLA commandants
incompetent at the negotiation table.
Under the auspices of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, Chad and
Sudan signed a reconciliation agreement. Chad's President Idriss
Déby announced that he would expel all Sudanese rebels from
the country but in fact has allowed Khalil Ibrahim to keep quiet
in Abéché. It is not known if Khartoum will reciprocate
and expel Chadian fighters.
A significant and positive change will allegedly soon occur in
the South. As stipulated by the Peace Agreement of January 2005,
Khartoum has promised to settle border dispute in the region of
Abyei, to set the permanent North/South frontier and to recall
all Sudanese Army troops from northern Southern Sudan. The area,
once so rich in petroleum deposits is allegedly now nearly depleted
with barely a three year exploitable time frame remaining. On the
other hand, Salva Kiir acted in favour of the peace implementation.
He has proposed that Total resume exploitation on its oil concession.
Khartoum and the South would split the benefits equally and he
would withdraw the White Nile concession where the profits
only go to the South. Salva has frozen all White Nile oil
drilling and demanded an investigation on its contract, deemed
illegal, but over which the proprietor, a former cricket player,
tries the bargaining chips.
F rench President Nicholas Sarkozy has asked Bernard Kouchner
to make peace in Darfur his number one priority. Kouchner has suggested
hat secure humanitarian corridors be established between Chad and
Darfur. The NGO Médecins Sans Frontières is
opposed reasoning that, “ If humanitarian convoys are provided
secure access by a foreign army, they could be judged as having
taken sides in the conflict and thus a fair target.” The
bureaucrats at the Quay d'Orsay are beside themselves. The project
has been abandoned. A ministerial meeting held in Paris at the
end of June with participants from African and Arab countries,
G8 members and China is proposed. A sort of “Abuja + ”, they said.
China has not turned down the invitation. Will rebel forces attend?
Sudan had not been first invited. France also wishes to protect
and provide humanitarian aid to the refugees now camped in Chad
under the auspices of the EU. The Chadians seem not to oppose this
idea, reserving their marked displeasure for the UN blue helmets.
Bételgeuse
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