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2004
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France calls for inquiry in Sudan's Darfur -2004 September 11th

President Al-Bashir honours French ambassador - 2004 September 11th

Peace in Sudan's Darfur needs neutral force and new govt: Garang - 2004 September 12th

Sudan says ready for cooperation with international community over Darfur - 2004 September 2nd

STATEMENT OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS OF SUDAN ON THE CRITICAL SITUATION IN DARFUR - 2004 August 25th

Text of the agreement between Sudan and the UN on the voluntary return of Darfur displaced -2004 August 21st

Sudan government, southern rebels to resume final peace talks on June 22 - 2004 May 28th

"Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur:  A New Front Opens in Sudan's Bloody War" - 2004 May 6th

Sudan starts receiving Russian MiG-29s  - 2004 March 29th

Inter religious committee for southern Sudan formed - 2004 March 29th

Will We Say 'Never Again' Yet Again? - 2004 march 27th

Fear of Amputation / unfair trial - 2004 March 23rd

Sudan procures 12 Mig-21 from Ukraine - 2004 March 3rd

Louise Arbour is appointed as the next U.N. High Commissioner for Human Right - 2004 20th February

Pastoral Letter of the Sudan Catholic Bishops’ Conference - 2004 22th January

15,000 families, 10 churches uprooted by Sudan authorities - 2004 2nd January
 
 

 2002 - 2003
2001



France calls for inquiry in Sudan's Darfur
 
(PANA, Paris, Sep 11, 2004) -- France said on Friday that it backs the creation of an international commission of inquiry into the prevailing situation in western Sudan's troubled Darfur region, official sources told PANA here Saturday. 
A French foreign ministry splesman said the objective of this commission would be to "buttress, impulse and exert pressure to move the political process forward and also improve security conditions". 
Quai d'Orsay hailed the report presented by Jan Pronk, the UN secretary general's special representative last week before the UN Security Council. 
"Some progress has been made. A lot more needs to be done even if the situation has improved. Progress has also occured in the humanitarian situation. These efforts should be sustained and the international community is mobilised to deal with this dangerous crisis", the spokesman said citing a government report. 
Unlike the US Secretary of State Colin Powell, who has affirmed that genocide has occurred in Darfur, France insisted that UN secretary general Kofi Annan and his special representative to Khartoum Jan Pronk were "better placed to make a judgment". 
In his report, Jan Pronk used the expression "serious and massive violation of international humanitarian and human rights" had occurred in Darfur. 
Meanwhile, France urged the international community to be actively involved in the resolution of the current crisis and to be politically mobilised, adding that Paris backs the Abuja Plan. 
"We shall continue to support the African Union's efforts. The decision by the AU to appropriate the resolution of the Darfur conflict is absolutely essential for us. This means we should continue exerting pressure on the parties within the framework of the Abuja talks", Quai d'Orsay said. 
Paris also called for increased support towards the AU cease-fire monitoring commission dispatched to western Sudan last July and pleaded for the extension of its mandate and uplifting the number of personnel. 
France said that all those found to have massively violated human rights in Darfur region must be prosecuted.
 
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President Al-Bashir honours French ambassador
 
KHARTOUM, Sep 11, 2004 (SUNA)- President of the Republic, Field Marshal Omer Al-Bashir, has awarded Nelein Order (First Class) to the French Ambassador to Sudan, Dominique Reneux, in recognition of his efforts in boosting the bilateral relations and cooperation between Sudan and France in all domains. 
Upon receiving the French Ambassador at the Republican Palace Saturday, on the occasion of the expiry of his assignment to Sudan, President Al-Bashir praised France's stances in support of Sudan at the bilateral, regional and international levels. 
The French Ambassador asserted in statement to SUNA the readiness of his country to contribute to the development of the war-affected areas in Sudan after the signing the final peace agreement. 
He said that France is ready to contribute to the achievement of peaceful solution for Darfur crisis. 
He indicated that the Sudanese - French relations are witnessing significant progress in the political, economic, commercial and cultural fields for the interest of the two countries. 
The French ambassador appreciated the cooperation of the Sudanese officials with him during his assignment to Sudan, a matter which contributed to upgrading the level of the bilateral relations in different fields.
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Peace in Sudan's Darfur needs neutral force and new govt: Garang

By Charles Cobb Jr 

(AllAfrica.com, Washington, Sep 12, 2004) -- To stop the killing in the western region of Sudan known as Darfur, a neutral force of 30,000 soldiers is urgently needed, the leader of the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A), John Garang, said during an address to the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation's 34th Annual Legislative Conference on Friday. 
Garang, whose forces in southern Sudan have been fighting against the government in Khartoum, the capital, for more than two decades, said the peacekeeping force for Darfur should be composed 10,000 soldiers each from his own Sudanese People's Liberation Army, from the Sudan army and from member states of the African Union, which already has 300 troops in place in Darfur. This force, which could be funded by the international community and monitored by international observers, would be "sufficiently neutral" to disarm the Janjaweed militia, which is blamed for most of the deaths. 
The idea of a tripartite peacekeeping operation has been endorsed by key members of the U.S. Congress, including Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (Republican-Tennessee) and Rep. Donald Payne (Democrat-New Jersey), who both made recent visits to Darfur. 
In Congressional testimony on Thursday, Secretary of State Colin Powell said the a State Department investigation had concluded "that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the government and the Janjaweed bare responsibility." Last month, both houses of the U.S. Congress passed resolutions labeling the killings in Darfur as genocide. 
According to Garang, the actions of the government in Khartoum mean it cannot be given responsibility for restoring peace. "How do you ask the government committing genocide to secure the people against whom it is committing genocide?" he said. 
In an interview, Garang said he raised the combined forces proposal in meetings Tuesday with United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan and Thursday with Powell. Both seemed interested, he said, although neither made a commitment to support the idea. Following Tuesday's meeting, Annan said the UN Security Council should expand the size of the force from its original "woefully inadequate" number to a size sufficient to protect displaced persons and restore security. On Thursday, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, John Danforth, introduced a draft resolution asking the United Nations to establish an international commission to investigate whether acts of genocide have occurred in Darfur. 
"To consider what is happening in Darfur as genocide does not represent the international consensus and sends a negative signal to the other side who are negotiating with the government," says Khartoum's ambassador to Washington, Kadhir Haroun. 
As the situation in Darfur has worsened in recent months, the long-awaited peace accord aimed at ending Sudan's longstanding North-South conflict has been delayed. Signed in May in the Kenyan town of Naivasha, the accord would bring together the SPLM/A and Sudan's ruling National Congress Party as the primary partners in a governing coalition. Sudan's government has blamed recent delays in implementing the accord on the preoccupation with the problems in Darfur. 
Talks between the government and Garang's SPLM/A are scheduled to resume in October, Sudan's deputy parliamentary speaker Angelo Beda said late on Thursday. "I have spoken to mediators in Kenya and it appears we are going to resume talks with SPLM/A some time next month," Beda said in Nairobi on Thursday, according to Agence-France Press. 
The Naivasha process holds the solution to Darfur, Garang said in a CNN interview last week. "A government of national unity in Khartoum which will be better able to solve the problem of Darfur," he said. "It's very urgent indeed." 
Friday's remarks by Garang at the Congressional Black Caucus seemed a more explicit call for regime change although the SPLM/A leader insisted, "I am not talking about the violent overthrow" of the Khartoum government. Instead, he said, a peaceful transition is needed to insure that the government that is formed to run the country represents all of the people of Sudan.
 

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Sudan says ready for cooperation with international community over Darfur
 
(XINHUA, Khartoum, Sept 2, 2004 (Xinhua) -- Sudan is fully prepared for cooperation with the international community in restoring peace, easing the humanitarian crisis and reaching a comprehensive political solution to the troubled west Darfur region, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Osman Ismail said here Thursday. 
The government is ready to cooperate with international organizations, such as the African Union and the Arab League, the minister said, noting that his country is also paying close attention to the Darfur-related consultation at the UN Security Council and will continue cooperation with the United Nations. 
Ismail welcomed a deal signed Wednesday in the Nigerian capital of Abuja which would facilitate humanitarian efforts in Darfur. He hoped that the deal would help the government and Darfur rebels reach a comprehensive peace agreement soon. 
The UN Security Council met on Sept. 2 to consider whether to follow through with its threat of unspecified action against Sudan, if Khartoum fails to meet its requirement of quelling violence in Darfur. 
The UN Security Council adopted a resolution on July 30, giving Sudan 30 days to make good its promises to disarm the Janjaweed militia, bring its leaders to justice and protect civilians in Darfur, or face economic and diplomatic sanctions. 
In Abuja, the Sudanese government and Darfur rebels reached their first agreement on humanitarian issues late Wednesday although they still have not signed it. The small progress however was overshadowed by the rebels' refusal Thursday to discuss the issue of disarmament. 
The rebels would not "accept the cantonment of our forces, even if it means the collapse of the talks," warned a delegate from the rebel Sudan Liberation Movement, when the African Union-sponsored Abuja talks moved on to the crucial security issue for the first time on Thursday. 
Moreover, the rebels said they called for a no-fly zone in Darfur and a neutral international body to investigate the crimes committed by the Sudanese government and the pro-government Janjaweed militia. 
The UN deadline expired a few days ago and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan said Wednesday that despite "some progress," the Sudanese government had not "fully" met its commitments to protecting civilians and disarming the Janjaweed militia. 
UN special envoy Jan Pronk appealed to Sudan on Thursday to accept international assistance, such as an African peacekeeping force, in stabilizing the situation in the troubled western Darfur region. 
Briefing the Security Council on Darfur, Pronk said the Sudanese government has made "some progress" in stabilizing the region as required by the council's Resolution 1556 adopted on July 30. 
But the envoy said Khartoum failed to stop attacks by Arab militias against civilians, disarm these militias, bring their leaders to justice or even identify them. 
He said Annan's proposal to expand the African Union's monitoring mission in Darfur "offers a way toward this end." 
In another development, Sudan on Thursday deployed more government troops in Darfur to help restore security and distribute humanitarian relief aid. 
The deployment of the additional forces and equipment was announced by Sudanese Interior Minister Ahmed Mohamed Haroon, who is also President Omar el-Bashir's representative to Darfur. 
Haroon was quoted by the official Sudan News Agency as saying the additional forces would be followed by a number of battalions to safeguard cities and refugee camps and participate in distributing humanitarian relief aid and maintaining security around refugee camps to be set up. 
He did not give a number for the troops being dispatched, but said it brought to 2,600 the number of police officers deployed in the region in recent days. 
The conflict in Darfur has left more than 10,000 dead and 1 million others displaced since the conflict broke out 18 months ago. 
On July 15, the African Union brokered a political dialogue in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa between the Sudanese government and the two rebel groups, yet the talks collapsed due to differences on various issues. 
The Abuja meeting, which opened on Aug. 23, is another effort by the 53-nation African bloc to help bring about a political solution to the crisis in Darfur
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STATEMENT OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS OF SUDAN ON THE CRITICAL SITUATION IN DARFUR
 
25 August 2004
We, the Catholic Bishops of the Sudan express our concerns regarding the tragic situation in Darfur. We are moved to do so in defence of the dignity of the people expressed in their God-given human rights. As shepherds and pastors, we cannot ignore the annihilation of an entire ethnic group whatever their creed, gender, or clan.

Darfur has always been considered a source of cheap labour and army recruits utilized particularly to stem the civil war in the South, Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile. 

For the last 10 to 15 years the Government of Sudan had never admitted the rebellion in Darfur but through the media propagated the idea that the upheavals in Darfur are caused by ‘ARMED ROBBERY AND HIGHWAY BANDITRY ’.

The situation in Darfur has resulted to terror, rape, torture, murder, and slavery. Already in the last one and half year, about 35,000 people lost their lives and it is predicted that this number will increase in the few days to come due to the obstruction of relief agencies from saving the population. It is also calculated that two million people are internally displaced. Two hundred thousand have fled to neighbouring Chad while others fled to Southern Sudan, the Nuba Mountains and other centres in the North.

The arming and military assistance to the Janjaweed militia is a repetition of the Popular Defence Force (PDF) named also as “Murahellin” in Kordofan that caused destruction in Abyei and Northern Bahr el Ghazal. The Janjaweed could not have purchased sophisticated weapons, and ammunition. In the first place they do not have the funds to pay for themselves and secondly they do not have bomber planes to hurl bombs on the innocent civilians. 

We call upon the United Nations and the International community to exert pressure to bear on the Government of Sudan not only to halt arming the Janjaweed but also to immediately disarm them and bring the perpetrators to justice. We do not believe that any further time be given to the government to take serious measures and action because many innocent people are losing their lives. If the Government of Khartoum is reluctant to assume this responsibility, then we appeal to the international community to intervene immediately. Time factor is crucial in order to save innocent and precious lives.

We also call upon the Government of Sudan to open wide the doors for the humanitarian agencies to deliver food, medicines and shelter to the displaced people of Darfur. Assistance should reach the displaced wherever they are and without further delay tactics.
We appeal to the Government of Sudan to take positive steps as a Government, whose prime interest is the protection of lives and the respect of the dignity of its citizens, to sit and negotiate a just and peaceful settlement to the conflict. A government that violates the rights of its citizens should expect the intervention of the international human family. In fact this is mandatory of the international community.

We also appeal to both belligerent parties to sit at the negotiating table in order to reach a just and peaceful solution to the situation. This is because war is not the best way of addressing grievances. We therefore commend the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) on one hand and the government on the other for accepting the invitation of the intermediaries to seek a peaceful settlement. War and killing do not solve problems. 

We also plead with the international community to avoid further discussion and compromise. We ask all concerned authorities to stop politicking. What is at stake are the lives of hundred of thousands of innocent people, particularly the children, the women and the elderly. There is no room for further statements, discussions, or deliberation. This is a time for action to save innocent people.

We further appeal to the United Nations to assume their responsibilities. The holocaust of the African ethnicity in Darfur is ethnic cleansing. There is also need to strongly deter the government of Sudan from arming its militia in Upper Nile where atrocities are being committed against innocent civilians. This means that the international community should interfere and offer all necessary assistance.

We also launch our strong appeal that the case of Darfur should not stall the negotiation of the peace talks in Naivasha, Kenya. We hereby wish to note that it is contradictory to negotiate peace with some while others are being totally eliminated. This should be considered while the leaders of the SPLM/A and GOS resume their peace talks. We reiterate that any peace without justice is no peace.

In conclusion, we the Catholic Bishops of the Sudan pray to Almighty God to rescue his people from the present tribulation, and invite all those who yearn for justice and peace to offer prayers and assistance for the suffering people of Darfur. 
 

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Text of the agreement between Sudan and the UN on the voluntary return of Darfur displaced
 
Text of Memorandum of Understanding on Darfur between the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the International Organization for Migration 

Khartoum, Aug 21, Aug 2004 (SUNA) -- Following the Sudan News Agency publishes text of the memorandum of understanding on Darfur signed here Saturday between the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the International Organization for Migration:- 

"In order to oversee and assist in the voluntary return of displaced persons in accordance with the 5 Aug. 2004 Darfur Plan of Action agreed between the Foreign Minister of the Republic of the Sudan and the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, 

Recalling " the agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the United Nations, concluded on 3 July 2004; " the decision adopted by the summit of the African Union (AU) on 8 July 2004 and the valuable efforts of the AU concerning Darfur, as well as the initiative to establish a forum for negotiation for the parties concerned; " the cease-fire agreement reached under the auspices of the Republic of Chad; and " the cooperation agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) dated 13 October 1998, 

Noting the serious concerns expressed by the international community over the security and humanitarian conditions in Darfur, and the objective to create conditions for the restoration of peace, security, stability and development in Darfur, 

Welcoming the measures taken so far by the Government of the Republic of the Sudan in increasing access to humanitarian assistance to alleviate the suffering of the people. 

Recognizing the role of the United Nations RC/HC in coordinating the efforts of the United Nations and its partners to the humanitarian crises in Darfur, and welcoming its support with respect to mobilizing financial and logistical resources necessary for the implementation of the present Memorandum of the Understanding, and Acknowledging the cooperation of the international community in response to the urgent humanitarian needs of the affected population. Therefore 

1. The government of the Republic of the Sudan and the International Organization for Migration: 

1.1 Reiterate the importance of urgently reaching a durable and peaceful solution to the situation prevailing in the Darfur region of the Sudan, 

1.2 Acknowledge the need of ending impunity and securing human rights protection in Darfur, 

1.3 Recognize the importance of adhering to international humanitarian law and international human rights law in all activities related to the implementation of this memorandum of understanding. 

1.4 Call upon the international community to extend full logistical and humanitarian support to the peace process, 

1.5 Agree to the establishment of a Management and Coordination Mechanism (MCM) on the voluntary return of internally displaced persons in Darfur. The MCM shall be initially composed of representatives of the Sudanese Government, IOM and the Office of the UN Resident Coordinator/Humanitarian Coordinator, and shall be convened by the second week of September 2004, and 

1.6 Coordinate and agree, within the context of the MCM , upon standard operating procedures and criteria required for the implementation of this memorandum of understanding. 

These shall be harmonized, as appropriate, with policies and practices concerning the voluntary repatriation of refugees to the Sudan 

2. In order to pursue these common goals, the Government of the Republic of Sudan: 

2.1 Confirms its policy of no involuntary return and that the primary responsibility for displaced persons in Sudan is that of the Government of the Republic of the Sudan, 

2.2 Commits itself to spare no efforts in establishing the necessary security and humanitarian conditions for the phased return to their homes or elsewhere of all displaced persons in the most safe, dignified and efficient manner, 

2.3 Agrees to grant to IOM and programme implementing partners full access to internally displaced persons and to the communities to which they are returning in accordance with the provision of the Joint Communique of 3 July 2004, 

2.4 Agrees to provide to IOM adequate advance notice of any internally displaced persons who have indicated to the Government of the Sudan willingness to return to their area of origin and to facilitate IOM's direct assessment and verification of the voluntariness and appropriateness of such returns. 

2.5 Agrees to accept IOM determination on the voluntariness and appropriateness of returns, before returns take place, 

2.6 Undertakes to protect the security of IOM staff and of the internally displaced persons, and 

2.7 Appoints the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC) of the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs as the government's counterpart to IOM for the implementation of this memorandum of understanding. 

3 For its part, the International Organization for Migration undertakes, subject to the available of adequate resources, to: 

3.1 Determine voluntariness and appropriateness of the return of the internally displaced persons to their area of origin in accordance with international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international principles which identify the rights and guarantees relevant to the protection of displaced persons in all phases of displacement, return or resettlement and reintegration, 

3.2 Oversee and assist in the voluntary return of internally displaced persons to their homes. 
3.3 Bring support to the communities affected by displacement and facilitate the conditions conducive to return, 

3.4 Contribute to the reintegration of displaced families, 

3.5 Carry out other activities that shall be considered appropriate in restoring peace and normal living conditions in the region, 

3.6 Make full reports of the activities of the MCM to be signed by the representatives of the Government of the Sudan, the International Organisation for Migration and the United Nations, available to the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the international community, including parties to the Joint Implementation Mechanism, and 

3.7 Stand ready to provide assistance through disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programmes." 

For the Government of the Republic of the Sudan Minister for Foreign Affairs Dr. Mustafa Osman Ismail 

For the International Organization for Migration Brunson McKinlay Director General For the United Nations Manuel Aranda da Silva Deputy Special Representative Of the Secretary General UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator for the Sudan.
 

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Sudan government, southern rebels to resume final peace talks on June 22
 
Sudan's government and main rebel group will enter the final stretch of peace talks in Kenya on June 22 to discuss technical aspects of a permanent ceasefire, rebel and mediation sources said Friday. 
On Wednesday, Khartoum and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLA) capped two years of intense political negotiations by signing key documents on how they will share power once their 21-year-old war is over. 
"We have agreed that we shall resume the talks on June 22," SPLM/A spokesman Yasser Arman told AFP by phone. 
A mediator confirmed the date of resumption. 
"When we return, we will start negotiating on a permanent ceasefire then we move to modalities and procedures of implementing a final peace agreement," Arman said. 
On Wednesday, chief mediator Lazaro Sumbeiywo predicted that a final peace accord would be ready for signing by mid-July. 
The war in Sudan erupted in 1983 when the south, where most observe Christianity and traditional faiths, took up arms to end domination and marginalisation by the wealthier, mainly Muslim north. 
Together with recurrent famine and disease, the war has killed at least 2 million people and displaced four million others.
(AFP, Nairobi, May 28 2004)
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"Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur:  A New Front Opens in Sudan's Bloody War"
 
John Prendergast
Special Advisor to the President of the International Crisis Group

May 6, 2004

House Committee on International Relations

Thank you, Mr Chairman, for the invitation to testify at this hearing, and for the Committee's unflagging interest in the multi-faceted crisis in Sudan. 

My first opportunity to testify to a Congressional committee occurred nearly fifteen years ago, when I spoke of a government in Khartoum that was using ethnic-based militias to undertake ethnic cleansing in south-western Sudan.  So it is almost surreal to be back again, with many visits here in between, talking about the very same tactics being deployed by the very same government with the very same result of displacement, destruction and death.  This time, though, the victims are Muslim, and from the North.  More than anything else, this should demonstrate to anyone that hasn't paid sufficient attention that Sudan's war never was simply between North and South, or between Muslim and Christian.  Rather, this is a national war, in which a small group from the center of the country maintains power by any means necessary.
Ten years after the Rwandan genocide, the world still frets about what it should have or could have done during that 90-day slaughter.  In Sudan, three times as many people have died, spread over a twenty year period.  We are still fretting, still wringing our hands, still wondering if our aid workers will be granted travel permits to clean up after another bout of ethnic cleansing has occurred.  Sudan is Rwanda in slow motion.
At some point, culpability must enter into the equation.  Through its military tactics, the government in Khartoum is responsible for creating the worst humanitarian crisis in the world (Darfur), the second largest death toll since World War II (the conflict with the SPLA), and the world's largest forgotten emergency (northern Uganda, courtesy of the Lord's Resistance Army).  If we keep treating the symptoms without squarely identifying the cause, we will be here again in another fifteen years discussing these very same issues, still wringing our hands.

I. ACTION NEEDED NOW

There are five priorities that must be addressed immediately and simultaneously if we are to have any impact in ameliorating the current emergency and addressing the roots of the crisis.

1. - Prevent Famine in Darfur

The international community acted too slowly to prevent ethnic cleansing from occurring in Darfur.  The policy of constructive engagement that was pursued throughout 2003 in pursuit of an IGAD peace deal compromised the international response to Darfur's killing fields.  The White House did not weigh in publicly until March 2004, after Khartoum's campaign was completed.  Ironically, this was nearly ten years to the day after the Rwandan genocide had begun.  Even UN representatives spoke out publicly before we heard from the President on this issue.
Despite being too late to stop the ethnic cleansing campaign, the international community still has a chance to prevent a major famine from killing hundreds of thousands more Darfurians.  At the middle levels of USAID up through to Roger Winter and Andrew Natsios, with some mid-level State Department support, the U.S. is engaging in this famine prevention effort.  But much more must be done at the highest level to get the Ceasefire Commission stood up, get international monitors into Darfur, open up access to the OTHER half million internally displaced persons through road and rail options, and begin a process leading to the disarmament of the Janjaweed.  Rather than waiting to see if access is granted, much more assertive planning must be done, in cooperation with Secretary General Annan on alternative access modalities, such as cross border operations from Libya, Chad or even southern Sudan, and/or options for Chapter VII armed protection of emergency aid distribution.

2.- Address Darfur's Political Roots

It would be a grave mistake if the international community limited its involvement in Darfur to humanitarian band-aids.  This is exactly what happened for most of the last fifteen years in southern Sudan, while over two million people perished as the aid faucet was turned off and on at the whim of the government in Khartoum.  There must be a corresponding push to get a credible, internationally supported peace process established quickly for Darfur, as soon as the ceasefire is operational.  Venue, structure and substance for the talks all need to become the subject of immediate international interest.  ICG will have a report on these critical questions in the next couple of weeks.
A negotiated political solution between the government and the Darfur rebels is, ultimately, the only option for restoring peace and stability to Darfur. This is also the best way to deal with the devastating humanitarian situation in Darfur and the massive displacement in a manner that can be sustained.

3.- Close the IGAD Deal in Naivasha

The other casualty of the international community's policy of constructive engagement with Khartoum on the IGAD peace process has been the delay in finalizing the deal in Naivasha.  Constructive engagement and quiet diplomacy in the IGAD talks emboldened the Sudan government to continue bombing in Darfur and delaying in Naivasha.  The lesson should not be that engagement is wrong, but rather that engagement needs to be backed up by more serious and multilateral pressure, as outlined below.
I just returned from Naivasha, where all of the major issues have now been ironed out. All that remains is for the parties to take the political decision to sign.  If the government decides to sign the framework deal, we must understand it is only that -- a framework -- and that work will have to continue to finalize a comprehensive peace agreement, which provides yet another opportunity for delay and obfuscation.
A major push is needed to finish this process and begin implementing the deal.  Such closure will lay the groundwork for resolution of the Darfur crisis as well.

4.- Multilateralize the Sudan Crisis

When the international community has been united on Sudan and used pressures and incentives in a coordinated way, we have seen progress on a number of issues.  But unfortunately, that has not usually been the case.  The U.S. must work much more intently through the UN Security Council to convince others to counter the threat to international peace and security that the Sudan crisis represents, given the major spillover effects in Chad, Uganda and elsewhere.
When the UN World Food Programme and UN Human Rights Commission brief the UN Security Council on Friday, the U.S. must be prepared to press forward with a resolution that provides Chapter VII authority for further action in Sudan.  That authority should be used for contingency planning for the protection of emergency aid deliveries as well as for the establishment of a high level panel to investigate the commission of war crimes in Darfur, as a precursor to the possible establishment of further mechanisms of accountability. 
Chapter VII authority remains a pipe dream unless key Security Council members, starting with the U.S., begin to urgently campaign for such authority.  Sources within the Security Council and the UN Secretariat believe that if the U.S. is willing to seriously engage on behalf of Chapter VII authority, the dynamic of debate could change.  Leadership is required.  At present, the U.S. mission remains fixated on getting humanitarian workers into Darfur, a worthy but insufficient objective.

5.- Build Leverage

The Sudan government no longer believes the U.S. will apply significant or meaningful pressure in response to its actions, allowing Khartoum to act with virtual impunity.  This results from three years of a policy of constructive engagement that has witnessed, but not reacted to, a human rights crisis without parallel in Africa.  Not delivering promised incentives related to normalization of relations is the current form of pressure being utilized by the U.S.  This is again insufficient.
It has to be understood that regime survival has been the principal impetus for movement in the IGAD peace process.  Khartoum was forced to recalculate after 9/11 because of concern about possible U.S. action.  Khartoum now believes it has effectively neutralized the post-9/11 threat of U.S. action, and has called the U.S. bluff.  This renewed confidence could lead to non-implementation of any IGAD agreement, and continued intransigence in Darfur.
To alter this damaging calculation, the existing set of sanctions and pressures should be enhanced by the following U.S.-led actions:

- Apply targeted sanctions against specific members of the regime that are most directly responsible for the human rights violations in Darfur.  This would include travel bans and asset freezes.  All efforts should be made to multilateralize these targeted sanctions through engagement with the European Union and the United Nations.  The most important point is to create individual culpability for the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
- Impose a UN arms embargo through the UN Security Council, banning the importation of arms by any party to the conflict, including the government.
- Lay the foundation for the possible creation of further mechanisms for accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity by pressing for the establishment and deployment of a UN high level panel to conduct an investigation and report to the Council and the Secretary General.
- Undertake much more concerted and multilateral planning and diplomacy in pursuit of cross border emergency aid operations, looking at Chad, Libya and southern Sudan as possible staging areas.
- Revive discussion of capital market sanctions, with the new caveat that such a provision would only apply if the government of Sudan were found by the UN to be responsible for ethnic cleansing or genocide.  Thus, a high bar would be set which would not open the door to the indiscriminate use of this policy instrument, but would be reserved for only the most heinous of crimes against humanity.
 

II. BACKGROUND

Armed conflict erupted in Darfur in early 2003 when two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), attacked military installations. The rebels seek an end to the region's chronic economic and political marginalisation and also took up arms to protect their communities against a twenty-year campaign by government-backed militias recruited among groups of Arab extraction in Darfur and Chad. These "Janjaweed" militias have over the past year received greatly increased support from Khartoum to clear civilians from areas considered disloyal. Militia attacks backed up by a scorched-earth government offensive have targeted Darfurian tribes of African extraction from which most of the rebels hail, namely the Fur, the Massaleit, the Zaghawa and other smaller African groups, in a strategy of collective punishment designed to drain support base of the rebels. 
The attacks led to massive displacement, indiscriminate killings, looting and mass rape --all in contravention of Common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions that prohibits attacks on civilians. These attacks amount to a campaign of ethnic cleansing: they target communities of African decent while sparing villages in their midst inhabited by people of Arab extraction. ICG's own monitoring of the situation corroborates UN estimates that thousands have been killed in a campaign that has uprooted more than a million people from their homes and forced an estimated 130,000 more to flee to neighbouring Chad. 
Darfur's conflict is tearing apart the delicate ethnic balance of seven million people who are uniformly Muslim. The war consists of multiple intertwined conflicts: one is between government-aligned forces and rebels; in a second government militia raid civilians; yet a third involves a struggle among Darfur communities themselves. It is already spilling over beyond Darfur's borders, threatening the regimes in both Sudan and Chad and menacing regional stability. Any peace process must address all three levels of the conflict if sustainable peace and stability are to return to Darfur.
The international community's response has been muted and ineffectual. The priority of the key external actors -- neighbouring governments and their backers in Washington, London, Oslo and Rome -- was to focus on the IGAD peace talks between the SPLA and the government. The policy was one of constructive engagement, marked by quiet diplomacy and a desire to maintain access to perceived hard line government elements. Meanwhile, the government's campaign of ethnic cleansing intensified in Darfur. It was only after evidence of the massive atrocities against the civilian population became impossible to ignore that more muscular diplomacy began in March 2004 with respect both to the IGAD process and attempts at constructing an effective negotiation on Darfur. 

1. The Darfur peace process

Chad's role in negotiations in the last quarter of 2003 between the Khartoum government and the SLA was grossly flawed and counterproductive, as it consistently manipulated the process to satisfy Khartoum's demand of treating the crisis as an internal security problem, devoid of any political significance. Despite warnings by ICG of Chad's lack of credibility as a mediator, the European Union and United Nations insisted on reviving the Chadian mediation, leading to ceasefire negotiations that took place in early April in the Chadian capital Njamena between the government of Sudan and the SLA and JEM. However, the presence at the talks for the first time of international observers representing the African Union (AU), the EU, and the US played only a limited role in mitigating the subversion of the process by the Sudanese and Chadian governments. 
The international observers coordinated little among themselves and as a result sent conflicting signals to rebel delegates who were internally divided and whose lack of exposure and political sophistication placed them at a great disadvantage. The outcome was a ceasefire agreement that failed to explicitly require the government to disarm and hold accountable its proxy Janjaweed militias, the leading perpetrator of continuing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur. The agreement was fraught with gross discrepancies between the signed Arabic and English copies that ICG has examined. 
The significant international presence at the early April talks notwithstanding, disturbing discrepancies and mistakes exist in the signed documents that cannot be attributed to translation errors alone. That such omissions and mistakes took place under the passive watch of so many observers is indicative of the international community's lack of focus on the peace process in Darfur and its eagerness to press the parties into agreeing to a desperately needed humanitarian ceasefire without a vision for longer term viability of the agreements reached. 
Confusion reigns as to what constitutes a ceasefire violation. The AU has presented its operational plan for the establishment of the Ceasefire Commission only on 2 May, nearly a month into a 45-day truce, and the parties together with the observers have yet to give their consent to technical and budgetary plans as outlined in the document. The plan provides for the inclusion of representatives of the international community in the monitoring body which is likely to displease Khartoum. There are two major flaws in the current AU proposal that must be addressed if the Ceasefire Commission is to have any chance for success. First, there must be clear sanctions included in the agreement for the violation of the ceasefire.  These sanctions must be defined and agreed to by all parties to ahead of time. The current proposal makes no mention of any repercussions for violating the ceasefire. 
Second, the current proposal would see all the parties to the conflict as well as the international community as equal members of both the Ceasefire Commission, and the overarching Joint Commission that is to be created. Both of these bodies would come to their decisions by consensus.  Yet with the parties to the conflict involved on these bodies, and a consensus required for any decisions or actions to be taken, it would be far too easy for any party to the conflict to hold these commissions hostage to their agendas by refusing to agree with a decision that goes against their will. Thus the bodies must be granted an objective, authoritative veto power over the parties if the Ceasefire Commission is to succeed. The ceasefire is automatically renewable for a further 45 days, when it expires in late May. 
Confusion also reigns in the political front. Because of the absence of long term international commitment to the peace process in Darfur, international community representatives were absent from two sessions of 'political talks' that convened under the auspices of the Chadian mediation in late April in Njamena at which a 'political agreement' was formulated and signed on 25 April by government and SLA and JEM representatives. Reflecting the confusion that continues to surround the Chadian mediation, JEM and SLA rebel fronts issued nearly identical statements on 26 and 27 April respectively in which they repudiated the 25 April agreement on political issues as a fraud while reiterating their commitment to the ceasefire agreement. They explained that their representatives in Njamena were not mandated to negotiate with the government on political issues, but were only there as liaison officers to work with the Chadian mediation, the AU and the international observers on the technical details for the establishment of the ceasefire commission. Both fronts claimed that the Chadian mediation and government delegation have intimidated these liaison officers into signing the 25 April agreement on their behalf and said they were recalling the signatories to account for their bypassing of their mandates. 
The SLA and JEM insist on direct political talks with the government, the aim of which would be to reach a comprehensive political settlement of the conflict in Darfur. The rebels’ rejection of Chad as mediator and Njamena as venue for such talks is clearly justified in light of the Chadian manipulation of the 2003 Abeche process and subsequent negotiations for the 8 April ceasefire agreement and the 25 April ‘political agreement'.
The rebels are in agreement that only after reaching a directly negotiated political settlement with the government would they accept to attend an all inclusive conference of Darfurians to seek broader consensus around it. They have repeatedly rejected an inclusive conference on Darfur that the government is preparing and charged it was meant to deceive Darfurians and the international community. The government is arguing that the rebels have endorsed and agreed to participate in its all-inclusive "Conference on Peace and Development in Darfur", which it holds as the one and the same as the one provided for under the 25 April agreement. It is forging ahead with the preparation for convening the forum later this May, the preparatory committee for which is 130 strong and anticipated delegates presently stand at 1,700. Sudanese opposition parties are boycotting the process, challenging its legitimacy. With the rebels also characterising the conference as ‘staged’, the event is likely to be a futile public relations exercise were it to take place. The government would ultimately have little manoeuvring room to continue ignoring the rebels’ demand of directly negotiated political talks. 
Having secured the conclusion of a deeply flawed humanitarian ceasefire agreement, although not yet its implementation, the international community is currently at a loss as to its role in the next phases of Darfur's peace process. The U.S. must provide vision and leadership commensurate with the challenge. Equally important is that the U.S. and the EU coordinate their efforts in the future over the Darfur issue. The degree of division amongst the international observers exhibited at the Chadian talks can not be repeated if any progress is to be made towards ending the crisis in Darfur.

2. The current situation

Security, civilian protection, and humanitarian aid for the tens of thousands of internally displaced Darfurians and those forced to flee to Chad remain the most overriding concerns. Before and after the 8 April ceasefire, the Janjaweed continued to attack and harass the IDPs and refugees even into large camps and towns to which they have fled. A typical situation prevails in the town of Kutum, headquarters of the province of the same name in North Darfur State. The original population of 20,000 is hosting about 140,000 villagers displaced in the course of the year from the surrounding areas after their villages were burned to the ground, their livestock was stolen and all their modest social and economic assets—including clinics, schools, irrigation pumps, grinding mills, etc.—were destroyed by the Janjaweed and government forces that back them up. Nearly a thousand villagers were killed in this area alone in the 15-month strife. 
With the international spot increasingly shining on the conduct of the Sudanese government against its own citizens in Darfur, the government is now proclaiming its keenness to return the IDPs to their areas of origin before the approaching rainy season. However, it has failed to produce a convincing strategy to encourage the voluntary return of the IDPs and guarantee their security against further Janjaweed attacks. In the case of Kutum cited above, one of the largest Janjaweed camps in North Darfur State is located not far from the town. The militiamen there continue to receive government support. They have grown extremely wealthy from the war booty the government has allowed them to accumulate with impunity, including the livestock and other valuables of their victims. IDPs who tried to return to their home areas to escape the appalling conditions they are experiencing in Kutum have been subjected to systematic harassment and attacks by the Janjaweed and are now reluctant to return to their villages.
It is a measure of the Khartoum government's cynicism and its contempt of international humanitarian standards that similar plans for the relocation of IDPs from Geneina, the capital of West Darfur State, to their home villages might include the integration of the Janjaweed militiamen in government security forces and their use to escort the IDPs to their villages. Attacks by the government and allied militia against the communities that ended up in camps for the war displaced appeared intent on permanently uprooting them from their home areas. If the government is willing to reverse that course of action, it should immediately and demonstrably provide for the protection of its citizens, first and foremost by disarming the Janjaweed militiamen and holding them accountable for their abuse of civilians that continue to be committed under its eyes and those of the international community. The government plan for "neutralizing" the Janjweed is to formally incorporate them into the official military and police structures. Yet this ignores the problems of accountability for the atrocities already committed, and the government's responsibility for arming and encouraging the Janjaweed in the first place. Rewarding them with jobs in service of the state cannot be considered an effective tool for neutralizing the Janjaweed. 
ICG has in late March recommended to the government of Sudan to negotiate the establishment of a Neutral Resettlement and Claims Commission composed of representatives of the government, the Darfur rebels and civil society representatives known for their integrity, chaired by a UN representative.  The Commission should be charged with a mandate to: (a) record criminal complaints against groups or individuals for injuries, wrongful deaths, and material losses such as stolen livestock, household effects, and commercial goods; (b) create mechanisms for restitution, compensation, and investigation of charges by victims; and (c) collaborate with investigations by responsible third parties such as the Civilian Protection Monitoring Team (CPMT) into violations of international humanitarian law. The US and the international community would fail the displaced if the government of Sudan is held to a lesser standard.
A new crisis is now emerging over the delivery of humanitarian relief in Darfur, following the signing of the ceasefire. In the past two weeks, the SLA has issued several statements to the effect that they will refuse any humanitarian relief to areas under their control that originates in government areas - where most of the UN and international NGOs have their operations. They conveyed their determination to deny the government the opportunity of using humanitarian relief for its benefit, specifically: to bring troops and ammunition into SLA areas; to bring spies and propaganda into SLA areas; to manipulate the situation on the ground to discredit the SLA and have the civilian population reliant on the government. However, if the SLA enforces a ban on humanitarian relief deliveries to their areas from government areas, the government would convincingly argue that the rebels are obstructing humanitarian relief. The government has already accused the SLA of attacking a humanitarian convoy in late April, killing the Zaghawa king Abdel-Rahman Mohamadain who was leading the convoy. The SLA have since stated that the Janjaweed are responsible for the killing of the king, and have alleged that the "humanitarian" convoy was accompanied by government security forces - thus making it a legitimate military target. This issue could very easily emerge as the next obstacle towards gaining humanitarian access to Darfur. In order to resolve it quickly, the government must agree up front to remove any military accompaniment from humanitarian convoys entering into rebel held areas, and the rebels must agree to allow humanitarian assistance from government areas, on the condition that it is not accompanied by government security forces. 

3. Finding a political solution to the Darfur crisis

Creating a working Cease-fire Commission and implementing the cease-fire on the ground, beginning with the disarming of the Janjaweed, remain the immediate priorities for the U.S. government in Darfur. These are also necessary prerequisites for the commencement of the following step on political negotiations that must take place between the government, JEM and the SLA. A negotiated political solution between the government and the Darfur rebels is, ultimately, the only option for restoring peace and stability to Darfur. This is also the best way to deal with the devastating humanitarian situation in Darfur and the massive displacement in a manner that can be sustained. 
The political agendas of the two rebel movements are still poorly understood, and are still evolving. Broadly speaking, their demands and complaints against the government are not dissimilar from those of the SPLA. Both the JEM and SLA are fighting against government marginalisation, under-development, and the history of a lack of responsible government in the region. The two rebel movements worked closely together during the humanitarian negotiations to coordinate their positions, and will try to do the same in the political negotiations. The general demands are the same: 

1) Greater autonomy for Darfur as a region.

2) Re-constituting Darfur as a single region or state, and unrolling the various administrative changes and additions that the government set up in 1994 to favour their political allies and weaken the traditional power structures. This amounts to deconstructing the current administrative system the government has put in place to manipulate local politics - such as the favouring of Arab tribes through the creation of new administrative boundaries - in order to try to restore the traditional balance of power that existed among the tribes in Darfur. 

3) Democratic elections, with democratically elected governors.

4) Greater representation for Darfur in the central government, in a manner representative of Darfur's size and population relative to the rest of the country. 

5) Greater development investment and larger share of national resources for Darfur.

On religion and state, the SLA is a secular movement that has the goal of removing Sharia, while JEM has not taken a position - opting instead to support whatever legal system is chosen democratically by the Sudanese people. 
In short, the political solutions to the problems of Darfur are negotiable - under the right circumstances - and can fit relatively smoothly within the structures of government currently being negotiated between the government and the SPLA in the IGAD process. In particular, the models of state autonomy that are being negotiated in Naivasha for the northern states of Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile are models that could provide the basis -- with modification -- for a resolution in Darfur. The models provide for strong state autonomy and greatly increased state control over decisions effecting local administrations, including in policy areas such as education and legal systems to help protect the state against the application of Sharia at the national level. This model, which has not yet been formally agreed to in Naivasha, could provide a template to begin discussions on a political settlement for Darfur, subject to the necessary adaptations to make it relevant to the Darfur context. These solutions can only last in the context of broader changes to the political system for the country as a whole - such as democratization and decentralization throughout the country. It is hoped that the IGAD peace process can bring these changes to the center.
Use of this model for Darfur can not be interpreted to mean that the political negotiations on Darfur be conditional on an agreement being signed in Naivasha. This wait and see tactic has led to international inaction in Darfur for most of the past year, and plays directly into the delaying tactics of the government. To wit, there are credible allegations of government operations in Darfur to tidy things up ahead of international monitoring - such as the emptying of mass graves and hiding of bodies. 

Once the Darfur ceasefire is implemented, and the situation on the ground can be said to be improving, a number of critical steps must be taken by the US government to give the political negotiations a chance of success. First and foremost, the venue of the Darfur talks must be shifted from Chad - which has proven itself once again to be an impartial and biased mediator in favour of the government - to a more neutral venue, such as Nairobi or the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa. Unlike Chad, the AU is a more neutral and capable mediator, provides a direct link to the IGAD countries already involved in the government/SPLA negotiations, and with the strong support of the international community - as in the case of IGAD - AU led mediation could succeed in bringing a political settlement to the war in Darfur.

Secondly, the Darfur political negotiations must go ahead regardless of the outcome of the IGAD talks - be it a comprehensive agreement being signed, or a further string of delays and disappointment from Naivasha. The international community must have a clearer picture of what can be achieved from these talks, such as that laid out above, and must play a more constructive and direct role than in the humanitarian negotiations in Chad in early April, where the Chadian President was largely able to push through his own biased agenda despite the international presence. 
 

 

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Sudan starts receiving Russian MiG-29s
 
Some estimate Fulcrum deal at $370 Million 

By Riad Khawaj, Defense News, Special permission to S.T. 

Dubai, March 29, 2004 -- the Sudanese Air Force has started taking delivery of a dozen MiG-29 Fulcrum fighters purchased from Russia in December 2001, according to official and industry sources in the region. 
"The first pair of MiG 29 jets reached Sudan last December, and two more were delivered in January. The rest are expected to reach Sudan during this year" said a Sudanese military official. 
The exact value of the deal was not revealed but industry and diplomatic sources here have estimated the contract to be worth around $370 million, a lot of money to a nation overwhelmed with poverty and debt. 
"Sudanese leadership cares a lot about national and regional prestige," said Ahmed Qurashi, a Dubai based expert on Sudanese affairs. "The leadership wants to be perceived as strong and capable of facing military threats from inside and outside". 
But Sudan's leaders lack cash and are facing an arms embargo imposed by the United Sates and the European countries after Washington placed it on lists of states supporting terrorism and building weapons of mass destruction, Qurashi said. 
China and Russia have been the two major sources of weapons to Sudan in the past decade. 
"But Sudan is hoping to get promised military aid from the United States if it fulfills a pledge to combat Islamic terrorists and end the civil war," Qurashi said. 
The MiG-29 deal is Sudan's first military jet purchase since 1996, and the largest in recent years. The country also bought tanks and artillery from Russia in 2000. 
The Sudanese Air Force has 51 aging fighters, including nine Northrop Grumman F-5E/F Tigers, 27 Chinese J-5, J-6 and F-7 planes, and three Russian MIG-23s. 
The Sudanese military official said the MIG-29s would be used as a fighter and ground-attack jet. 
Russian Aircraft Building Corp MiG refused to comment on the Sudanese deal. However the MiG-29 is the multipurpose model of the Fulcrum, which was originally built as an interceptor. 
Sudan has been torn apart by the 14-years civil war between the oil-rich and predominantly Christian southern tribes and the predominantly Islamic central government in the north. 
Discussion in the neighboring Kenyan capital of Nairobi between the Sudanese warring factions have yet to yield tangible results, despite extensive mediations by various international parties, including the United States. 
Badly trained and poorly equipped, Sudanese government troops have been incapable of crushing insurgents in southern Sudan, and have lost control over many vital parts of the country. 
"Sudanese rebels have the support of the local community and belong to tribes that dominate vast territory in the south, and get arms from neighboring countries like Eritrean and Uganda, and that's mainly why the Sudanese Armed Forces have failed to defeat the southern insurgents," Qurashi said. 
"Do not believe the MiG-29s would make much difference to the course of the battles with southern rebels," he said "Air power has had little significance in the civil war, due to the fact that the insurgents have anti-aircraft guns and missiles, which proved effective against Sudanese jets that lack standoff weapons". 
But the domestic situation might not be the only motivation for Khartoum to acquire the jets. 
"Sudan has ongoing border disputes with almost all its neighbors, like Egypt, Uganda, Libya, Eritrea and Kenya, and these disputes have occasionally sparked border clashes" Qurashi said. 
Lyubov Pronina contributed to this report from Moscow.

 

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Inter religious committee for southern Sudan formed
 
Nairobi, March 29, 2004 - Catholic Information Service for Africa 

An inter-religious committee to foster dialogue between the different religions in Sudan was formed on Thursday, March 25, 2004. 
The committee, constituted in the warring south, has the duty to ensure that the tribal conflict there does not degenerate into a religious one. 
Speaking during the regional Interfaith Peace Summit for Africa, held in Nairobi from March 27-29, 2004, Rev Samuel Ador from Sudan said that the war in Sudan is about identification. 
He said that although the council was still new, it had managed to lay down its objectives. 
"The main objective of this committee is to promote religious freedom and ensure nobody will be victimised for their religion," he said. 
Bishop Daniel Deng, President of the Sudanese Anglican Bishops' Conference, said that the war in his country was about declaring the country an Islamic state. 
"Sudan is ruled by minority north, while the southerners, who make 70 % of the country's population, have nothing to say about the running of their country, hence the reason of the unrest," he said

 

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Will We Say 'Never Again' Yet Again?
 
The New York News - March 27, 2004 

OP-ED COLUMNIST 
By NICHOLAS D. KR

LONG THE CHAD-SUDAN BORDER — For decades, whenever the topic of genocide has come up, the refrain has been, "Never again."

Yet right now, the government of Sudan is engaging in genocide against three large African tribes in its Darfur region here. Some 1,000 people are being killed a week, tribeswomen are being systematically raped, 700,000 people have been driven from their homes, and Sudan's Army is even bombing the survivors.

And the world yawns.

So what do we tell refugees like Muhammad Yakob Hussein, who lives in the open desert here because his home was burned and his family members killed in Sudan? He now risks being shot whenever he goes to a well to fetch water. Do we advise such refugees that "never again" meant nothing more than that a Führer named Hitler will never again construct death camps in Germany?

Interviews with refugees like Mr. Hussein — as well as with aid workers and U.N. officials — leave no doubt that attacks in Darfur are not simply random atrocities. Rather, as a senior U.N. official, Mukesh Kapila, put it, "It is an organized attempt to do away with a group of people."

"All I have left is this jalabiya," or cloak, said Mr. Hussein, who claimed to be 70 but looked younger (ages here tend to be vague aspirations, and they usually emerge in multiples of 10). Mr. Hussein said he'd fled three days earlier after an attack in which his three brothers were killed and all his livestock stolen: "Everything is lost. They burned everything."

Another man, Khamis Muhammad Issa, a strapping 21-year-old, was left with something more than his clothes — a bullet in the back. He showed me the bulge of the bullet under the skin. The bullet wiggled under my touch.

"They came in the night and burned my village," he said. "I was running away and they fired. I fell, and they thought I was dead."

In my last column, I called these actions "ethnic cleansing." But let's be blunt: Sudan's behavior also easily meets the definition of genocide in Article 2 of the 1948 convention against genocide. That convention not only authorizes but also obligates the nations ratifying it — including the U.S. — to stand up to genocide.

The killings are being orchestrated by the Arab-dominated Sudanese government, partly through the Janjaweed militia, made up of Arab raiders armed by the government. The victims are non-Arabs: blacks in the Zaghawa, Massaliet and Fur tribes. "The Arabs want to get rid of anyone with black skin," Youssef Yakob Abdullah said. In the area of Darfur that he fled, "there are no blacks left," he said.

In Darfur, the fighting is not over religion, for the victims as well as the killers are Muslims. It is more ethnic and racial, reflecting some of the ancient tension between herdsmen (the Arabs in Darfur) and farmers (the black Africans, although they herd as well). The Arabs and non-Arabs compete for water and forage, made scarce by environmental degradation and the spread of the desert.

In her superb book on the history of genocide, "A Problem from Hell," Samantha Power focuses on the astonishing fact that U.S. leaders always denounce massacres in the abstract or after they are over — but, until Kosovo, never intervened in the 20th century to stop genocide and "rarely even made a point of condemning it as it occurred." The U.S. excuses now are the same ones we used when Armenians were killed in 1915 and Bosnians and Rwandans died in the 1990's: the bloodshed is in a remote area; we have other priorities; standing up for the victims may compromise other foreign policy interests.

I'm not arguing that we should invade Sudan. But one of the lessons of history is that very modest efforts can save large numbers of lives. Nothing is so effective in curbing ethnic cleansing as calling attention to it.

President Bush could mention Darfur or meet a refugee. The deputy secretary of state could visit the border areas here in Chad. We could raise the issue before the U.N. And the onus is not just on the U.S.: it's shameful that African and Muslim countries don't offer at least a whisper of protest at the slaughter of fellow Africans and Muslims. 

Are the world's pledges of "never again" really going to ring hollow one more time? 
 

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Fear of Amputation / unfair trial
Human Right Watch  23 March 2004
 
 
Hassan Haroun Adam (m), aged 35 – farmer

On 20 March, Hassan Haroun Adam was sentenced to "cross-amputation" (amputation of the right hand and left foot) by a Specialized Criminal Court in Nyala, South Darfur, Western Sudan. Such a punishment constitutes torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, in contravention of international human rights standards ratified by Sudan. 

Hassan Haroun Adam pleaded not guilty of armed robbery, but was convicted under Article 168 of the Penal Code. He was convicted on the evidence of two witnesses, who were not cross examined as Hassan Haroun Adam did not have a defence lawyer. The court has appointed a lawyer for him, who is preparing an appeal. 

Hassan Haroun Adam was arrested on 21 November 2003 in Nyala along with Ibrahim Ishag, following the armed robbery of a lorry outside Nyala, in which one person was shot dead and two people injured. Hassan Haroun Adam and Ibrahim Ishag were arrested and taken to South Nyala police station where they were reportedly severely tortured and denied access to their families or to a lawyer. They were then transferred to Nyala prison on 27 November 2003. 

Ibrahim Ishag was sentenced to 3 years imprisonment in March 2004. 

BACKGROUND INFORMATION In the states of North, West and South Darfur, in western Sudan, Special Courts were set up by decrees in 2001 following a declaration of a State of Emergency in the region. The Special Courts are headed by one civilian and two military judges who do not need to have any legal qualifications. Whilst Special Courts still operate in North and West Darfur, Special Courts in South Darfur were replaced by Specialized Criminal Courts in April 2003, with broadly similar jurisdiction. The jurisdiction of the Special Courts and the Specialized Criminal Courts in Darfur covers a wide range of offences including armed robbery and haraba (banditry). Under Article 5(g) of Decree No. 21, "lawyers have no right to appear before the courts to represent the accused. The friend of a defendant can appear instead to provide help before the court". Sentences over five years' imprisonment can be appealed within seven days to the Darfur Court of Appeal, whose verdict is final, except in cases involving amputation and the death penalty, which may be appealed to the Supreme Court in Khartoum and the Constitutional Court, which has sometimes overturned cases because of unfairness. 

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Arabic or English or your own language: - expressing grave concern over the imposition of the sentence of cross-amputation on Hassan Haroun Adam; - explaining that this sentence constitutes torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment, which contravenes Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Sudan is a party; - calling for the sentence of cross-amputation to be set aside immediately; - expressing grave concern over the allegations of torture of Hassan Haroun Adam and Ibrahim Ishag, which violates Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Sudan is a party, as well as Article 115.2 of the 1991 Sudan Penal Code; 

Recommended action continued overleaf 

- calling on the authorities to launch an immediate investigation into the allegations of torture of Hassan Haroun Adam and Ibrahim Ishag and to ensure that any member of the Nyala police found to have committed torture is brought to justice in accordance with international standards of fair trial; - calling on the Sudan government to amend the 2001 Presidential decrees that led to the creation of the Special Courts and the Specialized Criminal Courts in Darfur to ensure that they operate according to internationally recognised standards of justice and fair trial as outlined in Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). 
 

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Sudan procures 12 Mig-21 from Ukraine
 
Sudan has procured Soviet-origin fighter aircraft and other platforms from Ukraine in an effort to enhance military capability against insurgents in the south and west of the country. 
Western diplomatic sources said the Khartoum regime has procured 12 MiG-21 fighter-aircraft from Ukraine over the few months. The sources said Ukraine also sold ground-based platforms, including artillery and other systems, from Kiev's military surplus. 
On Wednesday, the London-based A-Sharq Al Awsat daily provided details of the Ukraine sale. The newspaper said the arms deal was conducted through an unidentified French company. 
Four MiG fighters have already been delivered to Sudan. A-Sharq Al Awsat said two of the aircraft arrived in Sudan on Dec. 29, 2003 and the other two MiGs were delivered on Jan. 29, 2004. 
(Middle East Online, London, March 03 2004)
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Louise Arbour is appointed as the next U.N. High Commissioner for Human Right
 
New U.N. Human Rights Commissioner Brings Experience, Stature

(New York, February 20, 2004) - In nominating Louise Arbour today as the next U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has chosen a skilled jurist and principled advocate, Human Rights Watch said

Currently a justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, Arbour served as the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda from 1996 to 1999. Arbour was particularly effective in persuading the international community to execute arrest warrants for war criminals indicted by the tribunals.

"Justice Arbour is the embodiment of what is needed for this job," said Kenneth Roth, Executive Director of Human Rights Watch. "She combines the human rights experience, international standing and moral stature needed to confront the worst and most powerful abusers."

Arbour takes office at a particularly difficult moment for human rights within the United Nations system. Around the world, human rights are being assailed in the name of the international campaign against terrorism. The U.N. Commission on Human Rights, the highest international body devoted to human rights, has been plagued by a deepening crisis as it now counts some of world's worst human rights abusers among its members. Meanwhile, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights is still recovering from the tragic death of its previous chief, Sergio Vieira de Mello, who was killed in the August 19 attack on U.N. headquarters in Baghdad.

"The U.N. human rights system could not hope for a better leader at a time that it is under unprecedented attack," said Roth.

Human Rights Watch called on Arbour to make these challenges to human rights a first priority during her tenure. In particular, she should press for the creation of an independent mechanism-such as a U.N. special rapporteur- to monitor how governments are using the fight against terrorism as an excuse to undermine human rights worldwide.
 

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Special reports on peace prospects in Sudan
Special Report I   : Conflicts in Sudan
Special Report II  : Chad And the Darfur Conflict
Special report III  : Chronology of events
Special report IV : Who is Who

Report VI : Peace and the Region

(IRIN, Nairobi, 12 February 2004) 
Special Report I: Conflicts in Sudan 

Sudan 

For the first time in years, many dare to hope that the 20-year civil war in Sudan, which has claimed the lives of at least two million people and forced millions of others from their homes, may end soon. Sudan's warring parties have spent the last 18 months discussing how to stop fighting and build peace in their country. After a break of a few weeks, they are to resume their discussions on 17 February, in what analysts say could mark the last stage of peace negotiations and lead to the signing of a comprehensive agreement that should usher in a new era of peace and stability in the East Africa country.
In a series of five in-depth articles, IRIN focuses on the implications of the prospective peace agreement between the government of Sudan and the main rebel group, the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). The series, which will be published over a two-month period, examines the prospects for stability in Sudan once the peace agreement is signed.
The first article provides an overview of the Sudanese situation. Others will  focus on the continuing conflict in Darfur, internal displacement, humanitarian access and the spill-over of refugees into Chad; the perspectives of various sectors in the north, west and south on prospects for lasting peace;  and a regional assessment of what the proposed peace deal would mean for Sudan's neighbours, such as Uganda and Eritrea.
As the Sudanese government and the main rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) prepare to resume their meetings on 17 February for what many hope will mark the final stage of their 18-month peace process, rumblings of discontent in some parts of the country could have far-reaching repercussions on the gains already made during their talks in Kenya.
Bitter foes, the government and the SPLM/A are tentatively reaching agreement on hitherto inadmissible topics, and hopes are high that a comprehensive peace deal will finally put an end to a continuous and devastating 20-year civil war, during which about 2 million people have lost their lives, and millions more their homes, livelihoods and even their country.

At war since 1956

As the Horn of Africa analyst, Dan Connell, notes, Sudan has been at war with itself since the day it emerged from colonial rule in 1956. By then, the stage for conflict had already been set by the British and the Egyptians by way of a scenario of glaring inequalities between the north and the south, with much of the country's resources and the instruments of policy-making concentrated in the Arab north. In such a context, the mostly Christian and animist southerners took up arms to fight against the imbalance. 
There has been almost constant conflict, alleviated only by an 11-year hiatus from 1972 when a peace deal gave southerners limited regional autonomy. But fighting, led by the SPLM/A, resumed in 1983 after the then president, Ja'far Numayri, dissolved the regional government and imposed Islamic shari'ah law nationwide. 
He was overthrown in 1985 in a military coup led by Lt-Gen Siwar al-Dhahab, who dissolved Numayri's ruling Sudanese Socialist Union, then paved the way for a return to civilian rule by way of elections in 1986, which brought to power Sadiq al-Mahdi, leader of the Ummah Party, as prime minister. Al-Mahdi was in turn deposed in 1989 in another military coup, this time led by the current president, Lt-Gen Umar Hasan al-Bashir.

The peace deal in a nutshell 

Since 1994, the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) had been attempting to broker peace between the SPLM/A and the government, but its efforts failed until a breakthrough was made in 2002, leading to the landmark Machakos Protocol signed in Kenya on 20 July. 
This success is partly due to the stewardship of the process by the chief mediator, Kenya's Gen Lazarus Sumbeiywo, but also because each side acknowledged the other's chief concern - the SPLM/A's demand for a referendum on self-determination after a six-and-a-half-year interim period, and Khartoum's insistence on retaining shari'ah law in areas under its control. The result was a momentum to move forward.
In October 2002, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed on a cessation of hostilities for the duration of the talks and, in the course of the negotiations, momentous accords were reached on key issues.
These included security arrangements for the interim period (which provide for the deployment of joint units in some areas) and agreement on wealth-sharing (under which oil revenue will be equally split between the south and the north, and a dual banking system will be in operation).
The talks have been given added weight by face-to-face meetings in the Kenyan Rift Valley town of Naivasha between the SPLM/A leader, John Garang, and Sudanese First Vice-President Ali Uthman Muhammad Taha. Both sides have made references to the irreversibility of the process.
Remaining sticking points include the status of three disputed regions: southern Blue Nile, the Nuba mountains and Abyei, which are technically in the north, but whose inhabitants, according to the SPLM/A, identify with the south. Progress has been made on > southern Blue Nile and the Nuba mountains, but observers say Abyei is particularly problematic because of its large oil reserves and rich pasture lands. The issue of power-sharing during the interim period also remains unresolved.

Humanitarian devastation 

A probable peace deal between the government and the SPLM/A does not mean that Sudan's overwhelming humanitarian problems will be at an end. Instead, many of the burdens will be concentrated within the country as millions of displaced people try to regain their homes, and hundreds of thousands of refugees start streaming back. 
They will be returning to a country ripped apart by years of war and neglect. A massive rehabilitation programme will be needed for the south  - an infrastructure will have to be built, services extended to the area, and people will have to learn how to live in peacetime rather than wartime. 
Sudan's vast oil wealth is due to be divided equally between the north and south. With production currently standing at 250,000 barrels a day and set to rise, oil revenue will undoubtedly bring some benefits to the long-suffering people. But observers note that billions more dollars will be needed for the reconstruction of the south.
Sudan already hosts about 320,000 refugees, many of them from Eritrea - Africa's longest-running refugee caseload. But tense relations between the two neighbours and the closure of their common border have posed problems for an ongoing repatriation exercise after the UN High Commissioner for Refugees declared an end to refugee status for Eritreans in Sudan in 2002. Conflict in the Gambella region of western Ethiopia has led to a further 5,000 refugees fleeing into the Pachala area of Sudan's Upper Nile region over the last few weeks.
Meanwhile, it is the outbreak in western Sudan of another civil war that is giving the most serious cause for concern, threatening as it to  torpedo any peace gains. As the Kenya talks made headway, intense fighting between the government and rebels in the Darfur region of western Sudan led to the deaths of several thousand people and the displacement of 670,000 more. Over 100,000 have fled into neighbouring Chad and are living in pitiful conditions. 
Their flight did not lead them to safety. International aid agencies and journalists reported Sudanese government aerial bombardments of the Chadian side of the border, as the authorities attempted to gain control of the situation in Darfur. Incursions by mounted Arab militiamen, known as the Janjawid and believed to enjoy the support of the government, have been a daily fear for most Darfur civilians, who have long complained of neglect by Khartoum.
The Chadian government is attempting to mediate between the rebels and the government, but the rebels - represented by two groups known as the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement - are suspicious of its proximity to the Sudanese authorities.

The East – West threat 

Unless the situation in Darfur is addressed, there is a very real threat that the north-south problem will simply be replaced by an east-west conundrum. Most sides outside the SPLM/A and the government feel marginalised by the peace process. The leaders of the SPLM/A and the Khartoum government both come from powerful circles, but nevertheless represent only a section of their respective regions. And with a full-blown war in the west, and rumblings of disquiet in the east, the chances of conflict on a different axis are strong.
"The lack of meaningful participation of opposition groups can threaten the entire structure," the International Crisis Group (ICG) think-tank has warned. "Unless Chad's mediation on Darfur is first linked to the IGAD process, agreement between the government and SPLA on how to divide the power and wealth 'pie' could exacerbate the conflict in Darfur."
Disgruntled rebel groups in the west and the east have already joined forces to eradicate "marginalisation, poverty, ignorance and backwardness". Darfur's SLA and the Eritrea-based Beja Congress in the east say their grievances are essentially the same and they will confront the government on the same platform. The Beja Congress has even warned of an escalation of fighting in the east unless its concerns are addressed and the government ceases seeking "partial solutions" to Sudan's problems.
Indeed, the ICG has spoken of a "reactivation" of the eastern front under the banner of the opposition umbrella group, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). It notes that indigenous groups such as the Beja Congress, the Rasha'idah Free Lions and the Fatah Forces have a few hundred fighters each, "but more than compensate for numerical weakness by intimate knowledge of the terrain and support from indigenous communities". 
These groups want direct access to the negotiations, rather than simply being "represented" by the SPLM/A, which is the largest group within the NDA. A crucial issue now is the implementation of last December's Jiddah accord, which provides for power-sharing between the government and the NDA, and which some observers see as an indication that the authorities want to involve the Alliance in the political reform process.

Regional concerns 

The Sudan peace process, of course, cannot be conducted in isolation. The largest country on the continent has borders with nine nations, most of which will undoubtedly be affected by the outcome of the process. Many hope the prospect of peace will have a positive impact on a volatile region. But this may not always be the case.
Egypt, jealously protecting its vanguard position on the Nile, opposes a divided Sudan, which would create a new state on the river. Rebels in northern Uganda risk losing support from Khartoum.
Subregional groupings outside the aegis of IGAD are springing up. Ethiopia, Sudan and Yemen across the Bab al-Mandab strait have formed a strategic alliance, aimed they say at enhancing regional cooperation and facilitating exchanges. Eritrea - which has had disputes with all three nations and whose borders with Sudan and Ethiopia are closed - calls it an "axis of belligerence". The three deny they are attempting to isolate the tiny Red Sea state and have even called on it to join them.
Eritrea, which hosts Sudanese opposition groups, has accused Khartoum of backing the extremist Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (EIJM), saying that the EIJM has been carrying out attacks on its territory from eastern Sudan. Khartoum denies the charges.
Analysts note that in the Horn in particular, a settlement of the Sudan issue could lead to a general release of tension and a change in the international community's hitherto detached attitude towards the region.

Prospects

The Sudan peace process has received a tremendous boost from direct US involvement, and independent observers are optimistic that a deal will be reached between the Sudanese government and the SPLM/A. They warn, however, that this progress will be minimised if the violence in the west is allowed to continue unchecked. 
"It would be a terrible tragedy if peace in the south were to be achieved just as Sudan enters a new and equally vicious war in Darfur," says Justice Africa, a UK-based think-tank. "As well as humanitarian assistance, the Darfur war needs immediate political attention by the international community."
Many observers agree that both the government and the SPLM/A should commit themselves to a peaceful settlement of the Darfur crisis, and that this should be enshrined in the comprehensive peace agreement.
Noting the international community's support for the IGAD-led process, the ICG urges formally linking the process to the Darfur peace negotiations in Chad "to ensure that an end to conflict in the south does not become the catalyst for a new bloody chapter in the west". 
Other issues also need to be resolved, such as south-south and north-north reconciliation, and human rights questions. The most critical factor will be the actual implementation of the final peace accord.
"It is crucially important that the international community and Sudanese civil society remain closely and constructively engaged with ensuring that the transition to peace is successfully completed, and the parallel transition to democracy is also effectively undertaken," Justice Africa stresses.



Special Report II: Chad And the Darfur Conflict 

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks 
ANALYSIS
February 16, 2004 – IRIN 

A year-old conflict pitting rebels against government forces and militia groups in the Darfur states of western Sudan has created a humanitarian crisis that has spilled over into neighbouring Chad, as well as concerns among some observers about the region's stability. 

These concerns are rooted in the fact that cross-border ethnic solidarity in the region is a more powerful force than nationality. Since July, more than 110,000 Sudanese refugees have crossed the largely unguarded 1,350-km border separating the two countries. 

But Chad is much more than a passive host to the fleeing victims of one of Africa's newest wars, which began in February 2003 when two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), rose up to push their political and economic agendas. 

At the same time as playing mediator between Khartoum and the rebels, Chad has openly supplied troops to the Sudanese army in Darfur. But, covertly, it also serves as a conduit for arms that are fuelling the war, as an arena for Sudanese militias pursuing the refugees across the border, and as a refuge or assembly point for rebels and their families, say observers. 

Different ethnic groups in Chad may also be supplying both the SLA and JEM, as well as the militias aligned to the Sudanese government, with manpower. 

These murky and often conflicting roles threaten not only to destabilise the current relative peace in Chad but may also lead to a regional war fought along ethnic lines, say observers. "It's a tribal war that has become a problem between the two countries," commented a former army officer and Zaghawah business man in the Chadian capital, N'Djamena. 

MEDIATING ROLE 

Chad mediated talks between the government of Sudan and the SLA, resulting in a nominal ceasefire from September to December. 

Chadian President Idriss Deby, himself a Zaghawah, was thought to be a good choice as mediator because of his shared ethnicity with many of the rebels, his deep-rooted connections with and knowledge of Darfur, and his support base there which allowed him - with Khartoum's knowledge - to launch a coup from the region in 1990. (His predecessor, Hissene Habre, also launched his takeover from Darfur in 1982).

But a chorus of voices has long questioned his impartiality. 

After the SLA and JEM emerged in February 2003 demanding political and economic rights, Deby committed himself to cooperating militarily with Sudanese President Umar al-Bashir to crush them. He officially sent 500 troops to take part in joint army operations in Sudan, but commentators later suggested that the real figure was close to 2,000, according to the International Crisis Group (ICG) think-tank. 

Sudanese Interior Minister Gen Abd al-Rahim Muhammad Husayn announced to parliament in May that Chad had also contributed three helicopters and 17 vehicles to the same campaign. 

When the time came to extend the 45-day September ceasefire agreement with the SLA, the Chadian government deported 35 Darfurian intellectuals who had arrived in N'Djamena, to advise the politically inexperienced rebels, ICG reported. 

Deby then signed an agreement with Khartoum in November to establish a joint task force to curb cross-border attacks and smuggling, a deal which also allowed for the extradition of armed groups from Chad. 

In fact, the remoteness of the 1,350-km border with Sudan allows not only the militias to regularly attack refugees on Chadian territory but also the rebels to freely cross between the two countries. JEM rebels, whose wives and families are among the refugees, reportedly often cross the border into the Chadian half of the border town of Tine (Tine Chad) to assemble. One local humanitarian source told IRIN he saw a convoy of them leave the town for Sudan in about 20 lorries at the end of January. 

But Deby's perceived bias has led both rebel groups to demand the presence of "international" observers as a precondition to any peace negotiations. 

"They [Chadians] don't have the authority to compel the Sudanese government to act," JEM spokesman Abu Bakr Hamid al-Nur, told IRIN in Tine Chad, adding that observers from the UK, US, France or neighbouring African countries should be involved in future talks. 

"Even the Sudanese don't believe in the Chadian mediating role," said Dobian Assingar, the vice-president of the International Federation for Human Rights in Chad and president of the Chadian League for Human Rights. "Sudan doesn't believe in the mediation efforts started by Chad. Chad knows that Sudan doesn't believe in it, but is trying to continue to give itself a good image." 

ETHNIC TIES ON BOTH SIDES OF BORDER 

According to the last Chadian census in 1993, of the 16 ethnic groups that straddle the border, 78,000 Zaghawah, 50,000 Masalit and over 760,000 members of nomadic Arab tribes live in Chad. The Sudanese counterparts of all these groups are prime movers in the Darfur conflict. 

The groups share common resources, history, culture, family ties, and remain close, with a great degree of toing and froing across the dividing line. In Tine, just a dry river bed separates the Chadian and Sudanese Zaghawah, allowing them to share both water points and marriage ties. 

"Even we can't distinguish between them. A man can have two wives, one in Chad, one in Sudan," a local official with the Chadian Red Cross, Abu Bakr Muhammad Sha'ib, told IRIN. 

The ethnic nature of the devastating attacks in Darfur, in which mainly the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawah - from which the rebels emerged - are systematically being attacked, killed, forced off their land, abducted and raped by Arab militias and the Sudanese army, means that emotions are running high among their Chadian neighbours. 

In both Darfur and Chad, numerous people told IRIN that kin on the Chadian side of the border were helping their "brothers" in Sudan, with Chadian Arabs - travelling from as far away as Biltine and Ati - helping the militias, and the Zaghawah helping the rebels. 

(Many of the Zaghawah refugees who have fled from Darfur are actually Chadians who fled to Sudan to escape Chad's incessant civil wars and insurrections since independence in 1960.) 

The vice-chairman of the exiled political and military movement, the Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance, Dr Sharif Harir, who is from Darfur, told IRIN that social systems in the region were built on "kinship and blood" and that there was an obligation to help one other. 

"The Arabs come from Chad and join their brothers in Sudan. Their goal is to form Arab unity," said Abd al-Karim Abbakar Anaw, a Sudanese chief, now a refugee in Kourbileke on the Chadian side of the border. "When the rebels catch the Arabs, they tell them they're from Chad." 

A local aid worker in Tine Chad told IRIN there was no doubt that some Zaghawah from Chad were also helping their neighbours. "The locals are more than angry, because they are relatives. They have relatives in Sudan - fathers, brothers, uncles and they are all coming back wounded." 

"It's a tribal problem. Black with black, Arab with Arab. We are neighbours, one brother is here, one brother is there. Without doubt if the brother is a victim of aggression, the other will come to help," said a Sudanese teacher in Kourbileke, Muhammad Husayn Ali. He said up to 2,000 Zaghawah from Chad were currently helping the rebels in Darfur. 

A local source from the Chadian town of Guereda told IRIN that of 180 Zaghawah from the area had gone to Darfur to fight last December, only 15 had returned alive. 

Proof is hard to come by, rumours are rife, and the various groups involved in the fighting are quick to accuse their enemies of receiving outside help. "It's an open question to what degree the Chadian Zaghawah are helping. Also whether the Arabs are doing the same. The Arabs in Chad don't necessarily want to be used by Khartoum," commented a regional analyst. He warned that significant involvement of Chadian counterparts in Darfur would "lead to a parallel face-off and more cross-border attacks". 

Whether or not they are supplying manpower, at the very least the influential Zaghawah business community in Sudan, Chad and elsewhere is supporting the rebels financially, say observers. 

"There were contributions here [N'Djamena] to help our brothers in Darfur," a Zaghawah businessman who was formerly an army officer told IRIN. "Some of them [the rebels] came here to N'Djamena to procure arms. I don't know how much we collected, but it's true that Chad is supporting Darfur." 

There are also suggestions that the Darfur rebels may enjoy significant support from the Zaghawah - many of them Sudanese - who dominate Chad's top army brass and upper ranks of the presidential guard. 

"Certain elements of the presidential guard of President Deby may be participating in the conflict, because the rebels are their cousins," said a senior army officer. "You have to understand that the Zaghawah officers are the biggest group in the army with arms and men under them," he added. 

DEBY'S PRECARIOUS BALANCING ACT 

According to observers, Deby is caught between his ethic affinity with his minority Zaghawah support base in Sudan and Chad - which put him into power - and his relationship with militarily powerful Khartoum. 

In recent months, his position has become increasingly precarious, not least following the judicial executions in November of four men convicted of the murder in Chad of a Sudanese member of parliament and head of the Chad Petroleum Company, who was also reportedly close to Bashir. 

The man found guilty of masterminding the killing, a prominent Zaghawah, had expected impunity and appealed for a presidential pardon. But Deby, who was involved in mediating in Darfur at the time, decided his interests lay more with Sudan, a regional analyst told IRIN. So the execution was carried out within weeks of the verdict, and for the first time since 1991. 
In a country rife with cronyism among the Zaghawah elite, "it is very rare for a Zaghawah to be prosecuted and punished for anything", said the analyst. "The Zaghawah have come to expect impunity." 

The ruling against his kin alienated many of Deby's supporters, who believe their backing of his 1990 coup obliges him to help them in their struggle against Khartoum. 

But maintaining good relations with Sudan, at least on the surface, has taken precedence, say observers. 

When Sudanese bombs were dropped on the border town of Tine Chad, killing three and injuring 15 Chadian civilians on 29 January, the Chadian government was at pains to play down the "incident". Chad's foreign minister, Nagoum Yamassoum, reportedly said it was "in no way a deliberate act". "We do not want to speak of a deliberate act of provocation to bring the war towards Chad."

Speaking about Darfur a day later on national radio, Deby placed the blame for Darfur's woes on the rebels. "The rebels have to accept the rule of law in order for Darfur to become peaceful," he said. 

"He [Deby] can't afford a falling-out with Sudan," said a regional analyst. "If he supports his clansmen openly, Sudan will come down on him like a tonne of bricks. If he does it covertly, he risks taking the war home with him." 

If a regional war broke out, it is not clear whether Deby - whose health is increasingly bad - would survive politically, he continued. 

Deby is also mindful, according to some analysts, that if he upsets Khartoum, Chadian rebels based in Sudan might enjoy increased support from their hosts. According to Africa Confidential, Sudan is already backing several hundred Chadian fighters based in the Darfur region. 

So the "balancing act" continues. 

"Both countries deal hypocritically with each other. They refuse to say it officially, but each is using rebels [the Darfur rebels and the militias] to attack the other," said Assingar, the Chadian human rights activist. 

"I am scared that the conflict will destabilise the relative peace we have in Chad now, and I call on both countries to stop their hypocrisy and to avoid a war that will cause thousands of deaths for nothing." 



Special report III: Chronology of events

(IRIN, Nairobi, 25 February 2004) - 

1955 - Disorder breaks out in the south on the eve of independence. 

1956 - Sudan becomes independent. 

1958 - Gen Ibrahim Abbud leads military coup against the civilian government elected earlier in the year. 

1962 - Anya Nya movement assumes control of southern revolt. 

1964 - The "October Revolution" overthrows Abbud and a national government is established. 

1969 - Ja'far Numayri leads the "May Revolution" military coup. 

1972 - Under the Addis Ababa peace agreement between the government and the Anya Nya the south becomes a self-governing region. 

1978 - Oil discovered in Bentiu in southern Sudan. 

1983 - Numayri divides the south into three regions. Islamic shari'ah imposed in the north. Civil war breaks out again in the south involving government forces and the newly formed Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), led by John Garang.

1985 - Numayri is deposed in a bloodless military coup by a group of military officers and a Transitional Military Council set up to rule the country. 

1986 - Coalition government formed after general elections, with Sadiq al-Mahdi as prime minister. 

1988 - Coalition partner the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) reaches ceasefire agreement with the SPLM/A, but it is not implemented. 

1989 - Operation Lifeline Sudan established. Sadiq al-Mahdi accepts DUP-SPLM/A agreement. Sadiq al-Mahdi is deposed in a bloodless military coup led by Brig (later Lt-Gen) Umar Hasan al-Bashir, who rules through Revolution Command Council (RCC). 

1991 - SPLM/A splits into two factions with John Garang supporting a united Sudan and Riek Machar, Lam Akol, and Gordon Kong Chuol, who support southern succession, breaking away to form SPLM/A-Nasir faction.

1992 - Nigerian peace conferences (Abuja I and II) held, but little progress made. 

1993 - RCC dissolved after Umar Hasan al-Bashir is appointed president. 

1994 - Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) starts peace process and establishes a Declaration of Principles (DoP). 

1995 - Egyptian President Husni Mubarak accuses Sudan of being involved in an attempt to assassinate him in Addis Ababa. 

1995 - Asmara Declaration of National Democratic Alliance (NDA) acknowledges right of southern Sudan to self-determination and calls for separation of state and religion and armed struggle to overthrow the ruling National Islamic Front regime. 

1997 - Sudanese government accepts IGAD DoP and agrees to discuss self-determination for the south. Khartoum Peace Agreement signed between the government, the South Sudan Independence Movement of Riek Machar and other rebel factions. 

1998 - Ethiopian-Eritrean war breaks out, reducing conflict with Sudan. USA launches cruise missile attack on a pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum, alleging that it was making materials for chemical weapons. 

1999 - Bashir dissolves the National Assembly and declares a state of emergency following a power struggle with parliamentary Speaker Hasan al-Turabi. 

1999 - Sudan begins to export oil. 

2000 October - IGAD Lake Bogoria, Kenya, talks. 

2001 February - Islamist leader Hasan al-Turabi arrested and placed under house arrest a day after his party, the Popular National Congress, signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the SPLM/A. 

2001 July - Joint Libyan-Egyptian Initiative establishes a DoP calling for an all-party transitional government, but does not deal with the issue of self-determination for the south. Sudanese government accepts DoP without reservation and SPLM/A accepts with conditions. 

2001 September - UN Security Council lifts largely symbolic sanctions against Sudan which involved a ban on diplomatic travel. They were imposed in 1996 over accusations that Sudan harboured suspects in an attempt on the life of Egyptian President Husni Mubarak, but US continues its sanctions. 

2001 October - US President George W. Bush names Senator John Danforth as special envoy to try help end Sudanese conflict. 

2001 November - US extends unilateral sanctions against Sudan, citing its record on terrorism and rights violations. 

2002 January - The government and the SPLM/A sign a landmark ceasefire agreement providing for a six-month renewable ceasefire in the Nuba Mountains region of south-central Sudan. 

2002 January - Riek Machar realigns part of his Sudan People's Democratic Forces with SPLM/A.

2002 July - After weeks of talks in Kenya, the government and the SPLM/A sign the Machakos protocol covering self-determination for the south, state and religion and ending the 19-year civil war. Under the agreement, southern Sudan will be able to hold an independence referendum after a six-and-a-half-year power-sharing transition period, while the north is allowed to keep shari'ah law. 

2002 July - President al-Bashir and SPLM/A leader Garang meet face to face for the first time, through the mediation of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. 

2002 September - Government breaks off talks, saying the SPLM/A's seizure of the southern town of Torit spoiled the atmosphere of talks, and that the SPLM/A had reopened the issue of the separation of state and religion by demanding that Khartoum be shari'ah free. 

2002 October - The government and the SPLM/A sign an MoU, agreeing to resume talks, and to implement a cessation of hostilities for the duration of talks. Talks resume. 

2002 November - Cessation of hostilities agreement extended. MoU signed on 'Aspects of Structures of Government'. Talks adjourned until January 2003. 

2003 January - Talks resume in Nairobi suburb of Karen. Plans also made for a separate symposium to be held dealing with the issue of the disputed border territories of southern Blue Nile, Abyei, and the Nuba Mountains. 

2003 January - UN negotiates separate bilateral agreements with the SPLM/A and the Sudanese government to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid into the disputed region of southern Blue Nile for the first time. 

2003 February - Government, rebels sign addendum to MoU on cessation of hostilities. 

2003 February - A new rebel group calling itself the Front for the Liberation of Darfur is launched. Justice and Equality Movement rebels also emerge. Government retaliates and Darfur crisis begins.

2003 March - Darfur rebels adopt new name: Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A). 

2003 March - Talks held on the three disputed border regions of Abyei, Nuba Mountains, and southern Blue Nile. 

2003 April - SPLM/A and government agree to the opening of corridor along River Nile to facilitate humanitarian access.

2003 May - Talks resume with the signing of partnership agreement on administrative arrangements for the transition period, which outlines specific measures necessary for building up the humanitarian, security and development needs of southern Sudan during the first six months of the transitional period. 

2003 June - Crisis in Darfur begins to seriously deteriorate with widespread displacement, refugees fleeing into Chad, killing and burning down of villages by government-allied militias.

2003 August - The worst flooding in 70 years hits Kassala region, eastern Sudan.

2003 September - Government and SPLM/A sign security deal, clearing major stumbling block to peace talks. Government and the SLM/A sign cease fire agreement, brokered by Chad, to pave way for peace talks on Darfur.

2003 October - Government releases Islamist leader Hasan al-Turabi. 

2003 October - Lam Akol merges SPLM/A-United faction with SPLM/A.

2003 October - Government and SLM/A agree to extend ceasefire while they pursue negotiations in neighbouring Chad.

2003 November - Concern  mounts over worsening Darfur humanitarian crisis. UN says Sudanese government is hampering humanitarian intervention by reneging on a pledge to process aid workers' travel permits speedily.

2003 December - Government and SPLM/A negotiators agree in principle on sharing oil revenues.

2003 December - Peace talks between government and SLA, brokered by Chad, break down indefinitely amid mutual recriminations. Security situation in Darfur deteriorates significantly as a result.

2003 December - SPLM/A sends the first-ever high-profile "goodwill delegation" to meet government officials in Khartoum.

2004 January - Government and SPLM/A sign accord on sharing the country's wealth during the six-and-a-half-year transitional period to follow signing of a peace deal. 

2004 January - Peace talks with SPLM/A adjourned for three weeks to allow government delegates to perform the Muslim pilgrimage, the hajj.

2004 January - Daily bombing raids on villages in Darfur killing hundreds of civilians and causing thousands more to flee across the border into neighbouring Chad. Sudanese bombs fall on the Chadian border town of Tine, killing three Chadian civilians.

2004 February - UNHCR announces it has begun moving Sudanese refugees on Chadian side of border to safer areas inside Chad. 

2004 February - President Bashir formally declares victory over rebel groups in Darfur, announces an end to the main military operations there, offers amnesty to rebels and promises safe humanitarian passage to the region. Rebel SLM/A and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) dismiss government claims of victory and launch new offensive.

2004 February - UN Special Envoy Tom Eric Vraalsen arrives in Khartoum, to follow up on President Bashir's promise to grant humanitarian access to millions of war-affected civilians in Darfur.

2004 Feb - A possible final round of Sudanese peace talks between the government and the SPLM/A resumes in Naivasha. Remaining issues are the three disputed areas of southern Blue Nile, Nuba mountains and Abyei and power-sharing arrangements during the interim period. 

2004 February - The UN announces the arrival of experts in Sudan to assess the humanitarian needs in Darfur, while UN agencies say they have begun delivering and pre-positioning food and other supplies for internally displaced persons. Humanitarian access still largely denied.

2004 February - Arab League holds its investment forum for southern Sudan to promote unity of the country.

2004 February - JEM and SLM/A say they will not attend peace conference proposed by Sudanese government.

2004 February - UN announces plans to set up a new safety corridor for Sudanese refugees in Chad.


Sudan: Special Report IV: Who is who
(IRIN, Nairobi, 11 March 2004)
Note: The following reference list is taken from a wide range of sources[Arabic names in transliterated form]
 

Abd al-Majid, Abd al-Basit - Minister of culture. Was under secretary, ministry of education in 1996. Appointed education minister in 2000.

Abd al-Mawla, Karam al-Din - Minister of cabinet affairs. Was deputy governor of Northern Darfur State in 1995.
 

Agar, Cdr Malik - Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) secretary in southern Blue Nile. Key negotiator at peace talks in Naivasha. Joined SPLM/A with rank of lieutenant in 1986. Subsequently promoted to commander, he led many military operations in eastern Sudan until 1997.

Ahmad, Abd al-Jalil al-Basha Muhammad - Minister of tourism and national heritage.

Ahmad, Dr Majdhub al-Khalifah - Minister of agriculture and forestry. National Islamic Front (NIF) member. Minister of state for labour and administrative reform 1993-95. Minister of state for social planning 1995-96. Governor of Khartoum State in 1996.

Ahmad, Qutbi al-Mahdi - Political adviser to the government. NIF member. Was an ambassador at the external affairs ministry 1993-99. Then appointed head of the external security organisation, and in 2000 minister of social planning.

Akol, Dr Lam (Full name: Lam Akol Ajawin) - Shilluk. Senior member of the SPLM/A before breaking away with Riek Machar and Gordon Kong Chuol - both Nuer - to form the SPLM/A-Nasir in a rebellion that split the movement in 1991. He broke with Riek in 1995, becoming chairman of SPLM/A-United, signed an agreement with the government in 1997 and served as its transport minister for five years. In 2002 he resigned from the ruling National Congress (NC) party, and became a key member of the newly formed opposition Justice Party. Rejoined SPLM/A in October 2003, but not with full support of his militia. Dissenting members of SPLM/A-United still active in Shilluk kingdom.

Akot, Daniel Awet - Chairman of SPLM/A's commission for judiciary and law enforcement.

Aleng, Elijah Malok - Executive director of SPLM/A's humanitarian wing, the South Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Association (SRRA).

Ali, Dr Mutrif Siddiq - Appointed minister of state at the presidency in 1998, now a key government negotiator at the peace talks in Kenya.

Amum, Cdr Pagan (Full name: Pagan Amum Okech) - SPLM/A governor of eastern Sudan and NDA secretary-general. Key negotiator for SPLM/A at peace talks in Kenya. SPLM/A secretary for trade and humanitarian aid in 1998, before which he had commanded SPLM/A operations in eastern Sudan.

Amum, Thon - Militia leader in northern Upper Nile.

Anya Nya - Army of southern separatists from 1955-1972 during first civil war. Largely incorporated into Sudanese army after 1972 Addis Ababa peace agreement.

Anya Nya II - Army of southern separatists from 1975-1991, opposing Addis Ababa agreement.

Arman, Yasir Sa'id - SPLM/A spokesman since 1997, former commander in SPLA, based in Asmara until 2003, member of President Umar al-Bashir's extended family.

Arop, Dr Justin Yac - Secretary-general of SRRA 1986-88, SPLM/A representative in West Africa 1991-92, in Kenya 1992-94, SPLM/A health secretary 1994-97, then reappointed representative to Kenya. 

Arop, Col (retd) Martin Makuei Malwal - Minister of cabinet affairs. Lieutenant-colonel and revolutionary council member 1989. Retired from the armed forces in 1997. 

al-Atabani, Ghazi Salah al-Din - NIF member. Minister of state at the presidency in 1991. Secretary-general of parliament in 1996. Minister of culture and information in 1998. Resigned as presidential peace adviser in November 2003.

al-Awad, Maj-Gen Al-Hadi Muhammad Abdullah - Minister of cabinet affairs. NIF member. Serving brigadier in 1995 when appointed minister of state at the presidency and director of the internal security organisation. Was interior minister in 2000.

Aylah, Muhammad Tahir - Minister of roads and bridges. Minister of environment and tourism 1998-2000.

Ayud, William Deng - Commander of militia in Melut.

al-Azhari, Isma'il - First prime minister of independent Sudan from 1954 to 1956 and president from 1965 to 1969. 

Badr, Al-Sharif Ahmad Umar al-Fakki - Minister of investment. Formerly governor of Al-Jazirah State.

al-Bashir, Umar Hasan Ahmad, Lt-Gen - President and prime minister. During early career served in several regions of Sudan and fought against SPLM/A. Came to power in 1989 in a pro-Islamist coup which overthrew the democratically elected government of Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi. Was already NIF member. Supported by Hasan al-Turabi's NIF, which continued to hold the reins of power behind the scenes. Al-Bashir retained power through several transitional governments in the early and mid-1990s, proclaimed himself president in 1993 and was elected president in 1996. Banned political parties after the 1989 coup, but reintroduced multiparty politics in January 1999.

al-Bashir, Dr Isam Ahmad - Minister of guidance and endowments.

Beja Congress  - A member of the armed opposition umbrella group, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Signatory to the NDA's 1995 Asmara Declaration. Shaykh Umar Muhammad Abdullah Tayyib became Beja Congress chairman in 1998. The political wing of the Beja Congress was formed in the 1960s to voice grievances against marginalisation of the region, but launched an armed struggle by the 1990s, due to frustration with lack of progress. Effectively controls a swathe of eastern Sudan centred around Karora and Hameshkoreb, has a few hundred fighters. The Beja community numbers about 2.2 million in eastern Sudan, divided into five major tribes and many smaller sub-tribes, has several languages.

Chuol, Arthur Akuen - SPLM/A commissioner for finance and economic planning.

Chuol, Gordon Kong - Jikany Nuer. Militia leader of Thourjikany Forces, based in Nasir, eastern Upper Nile with Jikany Nuer troops. Major-general in Anya Nya II in 1988, then became commander in SPLM/A and member of the SPLM/A political-military high command. Led breakaway from SPLM/A in 1991 with Riek Machar and Lam Akol. In 1997, he signed the Khartoum peace agreement with the government, when he was made a commander with the South Sudan Defence Forces (SSDF) under Riek Machar. Since 1998, backed directly by the government.

Chuol, Tito Biel - Dok Nuer. SPLM/A member before breaking away with Riek Machar in 1991. Joined SSDF in 1997, and in 2000 became member of Riek's Sudan People's Defense Forces (SPDF). Returned to the SSDF in 2002. 

Civilian Protection Monitoring Team - US-backed team monitoring attacks against civilians or civilian property/possessions. Became operational in September 2002, following negotiations between the government and SPLM/A, which resulted in the Agreement to Protect Civilians from Military Attack. 

Daf'allah, Al-Jazuli - Prime minister from April 1985 to May 1986.

Dong, Engineer Joseph Malwal - Minister of aviation. Minister of animal resources 1998-2000. Minister of survey and construction development in 2000.

Democratic Unionist Party (DUP} - Northern opposition party, founded on the Khatmiyyah religious order. Led by hereditary Khatmiyyah spiritual guide, Muhammad Uthman al-Mirghani.

Deng, Dr Achol Marial - SPLM/A commissioner for health.

Diu, James Lieh - Commander of militia based around Nimnim, western Upper Nile. Defected to join SPLM/A in January 2004.

Dual, Simon Gatwic - Lou Nuer. Government-backed militia leader in Yuai.

al-Duqayr, Jalal Yusuf Muhammad - Minister of industry.

Egeland, Jan - UN Emergency Relief Coordinator.

Equatoria Defence Forces - Militia in Equatoria, commanded by Martin Kenyi under the overall leadership of Dr Theophilus Lotti, based in Juba, recruits primarily among Acholi people. 

Fartak, Ali Tamim - Minister of electricity. Commissioner of Raga Province 1992-94. Governor of Western Bahr-Ghazal State in 1994, then moved to be governor of Southern Darfur State the same year. Health minister in Southern Darfur State 1998-99. Appointed NC secretary in 1999, then minister of state at the ministry of industry and investment in 2000.

Fashoda Relief and Rehabilitation Association - Humanitarian wing of the SPLM/A-Nasir/United, led by Lam Akol, until he rejoined the SPLM/A in October 2003.

Fatah Forces - Rebel group in eastern Sudan.

Gadet, Peter (Full name: Peter Gadet Yakah) -  Bul Nuer. Former Sudanese army officer, joined the SPLM/A, but left in 1991 with Riek Machar. Became commander with Paulino Matib's pro-government militia, the SSUM/A. Fought for government against SSDF in oil-rich western Upper Nile, or Wahdah (Unity) State, then mutinied against Matib in 1999 and fought with the SSDF against the government. Rejoined SPLM/A in early 2000, fought against Riek Machar's SPDF in 2000, but after disagreements again joined the government side in 2002. His militia forces currently based in Wang Kai in Wahdah State.

Gai, Taban Deng - Western Jikany Nuer. SPLM/A secretary for commerce, key negotiator in peace talks in Kenya. Followed Riek Machar's breakaway faction from SPLM/A in 1991, aligned with government in 1996, and became leader of the UDSF political party. Appointed governor of Wahdah State in 1997, but expelled from his position and the state by Paulino Matib. In 2000 appointed minister of state for roads and communications, but resigned the same year after falling out with Khartoum. Joined Riek Machar's SPDF in 2000 and rejoined the SPLM/A with Machar in 2002.

Garang, Dr John (Full name: John Garang de Mabior) - Bor Dinka, C-in-C of the SPLA and chairman of its political affiliate, the SPLM. Holding bilateral peace negotiations with Sudanese Vice-President Ali Uthman Muhammad Taha in Kenya since September 2003. A member of Anya Nya briefly at the end of the first civil war in 1972, then incorporated into the Sudanese army. Rose to the rank of colonel until he mutinied in 1983 in Bor and reorganised the existing Anya Nya insurrection into the SPLM/A from Ethiopia, demanding the abolition of shari'ah law. Has always declared himself to be working for the creation of a united, democratic, secular Sudan.

Ginye, Gabriel Tang - Commander of Nuer militia, reportedly based in Malakal.

Hamid, Ibrahim Mahmud - Minister of humanitarian affairs. Formerly governor of Kassala State.

al-Hasan, Zubayr Ahmad - Minister of finance and national economy since 2000.

Husayn, Maj-Gen Abd al-Rahim Muhammad - Minister of internal affairs. NIF member. Was serving colonel in the engineering corps in 1989 and after the coup was appointed secretary-general of the revolutionary council. In 1993, now promoted to brigadier, appointed interior minister. In 1994 became minister at the presidency. Reappointed interior minister in 1998. In 2000 he returned to the presidency as minister and adviser.

al-Hulw, Cdr Abd al-Aziz Adam - SPLM/A secretary in Nuba mountains, key negotiator at peace talks in Kenya. Commanded SPLA forces in eastern Sudan.

Igga, Cdr James Jeda Wani - Second deputy of John Garang and SPLM/A secretary-general. Appointed member of the SPLM/A high command in 1986.

al-Imam, Yasin Umar - Was vice-chairman of the NIF in 1987. Broke away from the NC in 1999 and joined Turabi's PNC in 2000. 

Inter-Governmental Authority on Development - Regional body, formed in 1996, facilitating peace talks between the Sudanese government and the SPLM/A.  Member states are Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda. Between 1986 and 1996 was called the Inter-Governmental Authority on Drought and Development.

Isma'il, Dr Mustafa Uthman - Minister of external relations since 1998. NIF member. Secretary of the International Popular Friendship Council 1991 and member of the foreign affairs committee and subsequently appointed minister of state at the foreign ministery the same year. 

Janjawid - Mounted Arab militia in Darfur aligned with the government. Said to be responsible for widespread attacks on civilians, killings, abductions and burning villages.

al-Jaz, Dr Awad Ahmad - Minister of energy and mining. NIF member. Minister of internal trade 1990, then replaced as minister for the council of ministers in 1994 and appointed minister of energy and mining.

Jiek, Peter Par  - Dok Nuer. Allied to Riek Machar's forces since the 1991 split from the SPLM/A. Militia commander with SPDF in western Upper Nile in 2000-2001, formerly SSDF commander. Rejoined SPLM/A with Riek in 2002.

Joint Military Commission - Monitors the ceasefire between the government and SPLM/A in the Nuba mountains. Also involved in the disengagement and redeployment of combatants and mine clearance. Comprises representatives from the government, SPLM/A and the international community.

Justice and Equality Movement - Rebel group in Darfur region, emerged in February 2003 calling for greater political and economic rights. Chairman is Khalil Ibrahim Muhammad, based in Europe. 

Kabbashi, Abu John Samuel - SPLM/A governor of Equatoria. Was an Anya Nya II brigadier in 1983, after defecting from the government in which he had been minister of wildlife conservation and tourism since 1980. He subsequently joined the SPLM/A and was appointed its commissioner for recruitment in Western Equatoria in 1999.

al-Kasha, Abd al-Hamid Musa - Minister of external trade.

Kashol, Prof Moses Machar - Second vice-president.

al-Khatib, Sa'id - Key government negotiator at peace talks in Kenya and spokesman.

Khayr, Maj-Gen Dr Al-Tayyib Ibrahim Muhammad - National security adviser to government. NIF member. Governor of Darfur State 1991-93. Interior minister 1993-96. Information minister 1996-98. Social planning minister 1998-2000. 

Kinga, George Lungwoko - Toposa. SPLM/A commissioner for industry and mining. Was minister of labour and social security 1989-92. Joined SPLM/A in 1993. 

Koga, Clement Wani - Commander of Mundari militia, headquarters in Juba/Terakeka.

Kok, Dr Riek Gai, Dr - Minister of animal resources. Spokesman for the SSIM/A 1997-98. Governor of Jonglei State 1998-2000.

Kong, John - Governor of Upper Nile State.

Kong, Telga - Militia leader in eastern Upper Nile.

Kol, Michael Miea - Militia leader in northern Upper Nile.

Koni, Ismael - Commander of Murle militia, also known as Pibor forces or Forces of Peace, based in Juba, Kassengo and Pibor.

Kuol, Deng Alor - SPLM/A secretary for Bahr al-Ghazal, key negotiator in peace talks in Kenya.

Kwaje, Dr Samson - Since 1997 the SPLM/A's spokesman in Nairobi and since April 2000 the movement's information and cultural affairs commissioner. He was Equatoria Region finance minister in 1987.

Latjor, Benson Kuany - Militia leader in Malakal and Fangak.

Lueth, Justice Michael Makuei - SPLM/A commissioner for legal affairs and constitutional development.

Machar, Dr Riek (Full name: Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon) -  Dok Nuer, currently number three in the SPLM/A after John Garang de Mabior and Salva Kiir Mayardit (both Dinka). Supporter of succession for southern Sudan, split from the SPLM/A in 1991 with Lam Akol and Gordon Kong Chuol to form the Nuer-dominated SPLM/A-Nasir faction (1991-94). In 1995, he became leader of the SSIM/A and Lam Akol took the name of SPLM/A-United for his faction in west-central Upper Nile. In April 1996 Riek signed a deal with the government, and the SSIM/A merged with the other rebel factions which signed the April 1997 Khartoum peace accord. Became c-in-c of the SSDF in 1997. Appointed chairman of the government's Southern States Coordination Council and assistant to Al-Bashir in 1997. He also formed and became head of the United Democratic Salvation Front (UDSF) political party. Resigned from government in 2000 and recreated an army in the south, the SPDF, which he merged with the SPLM/A in January 2002.

Magaya, Maj-Gen (retd) Alison Manani - Zande. Minister of labour and administrative reform since 2000. Equatoria regional military commander 1988-91. Governor of Equatoria State 1991. Elected to parliament 1996, becoming deputy Speaker. 

al-Mahdi, Mubarak Abdullah al-Fadil - Presidential assistant. Brother of Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi. Ummah Party member. MP and industry minister 1986-88. Minister of economy and foreign trade 1988-89. Interior minister 1989. NDA secretary-general 1995-2000, then returned to Sudan from exile.

al-Mahdi, Al-Sadiq al-Siddiq Abd al-Rahman - Already the chairman of the Ummah Party, he became prime minister in 1966 until his government collapsed in 1967. Was again elected prime minister in 1986 until he was overthrown in Al-Bashir's military coup in 1989. He is a descendant of the Mahdi who led a successful rebellion against Egyptian and British forces in 1881. Spiritual leader of Muslim religious sect, Al-Ansar. Brother-in-law to Hasan al-Turabi. Joined the NDA in 1995 in Eritrea, and led a small army against government in eastern Sudan under NDA command. Left the NDA for Sudan in 2000, but refuses to take part in elections.

Mahjub, Muhammad Ahmad - Prime minister 1965-66 and 1967-69.

Majak, Benjamin - Ruweng Dinka. SPLM/A commissioner for rural development and cooperatives. Head of the SRRA during 1990s. Former commander with SPLA in Ruweng County, western Upper Nile. Aligned with Sudanese government in 2000, but later rejoined SPLM/A. 

al-Majdhub, Prof Mubarak Muhammad Ali - Minister of higher education. Formerly vice-chancellor of Al-Jazirah University.

Makki, Maj Yusuf Kuwah - Chairman of SPLM/A social services commissioner. Joined SPLM/A in 1985. In 1986 appointed alternate member of the SPLM/A high command and zonal commander in southern Kordofan. Has unstintingly supported Garang throughout.

Malik, Al-Zahawi Ibrahim - Minister of information and communications.

Manibe, Kosti - SPLM/A commissioner for education.

Maor, James - Militia commander, reportedly based in Malakal.

Matib, Maj-Gen Paulino (Full name: Paulino Matib Nhial) - Bul Nuer. Leader of militia based in Bentiu, the South Sudan Unity Movement/Army (SSUM/A). Was deputy commander of the Anya Nya II in 1987 with the rank of brigadier. Armed and supported by the government, he joined Riek Machar's breakaway SPLM/A-Nasir in 1991. Under the Khartoum peace agreement in 1997, his forces were absorbed by the SSDF, but later he turned against the SSDF for control of oil-rich western Upper Nile (Wahdah State), but lost. Backed by the government, he became a major-general in the national army in 1998 and has since then fought on its behalf, displacing civilians from around the oil fields. In 2003 he fought against pro-government Nuer factions for control of Wahdah State and lost. 

Mayardit, Cdr Salva Kiir - Rek Dinka. Deputy chairman of the SPLM/A high command since 1997, second to John Garang, and leader of SPLM/A delegation at peace talks in Kenya. First joined the SPLM/A as a major in Anya Nya II, and was appointed SPLM/A deputy chief of staff for operations and security in 1986.

Militias - Pro-government armed groups. Two main branches exist, northern and southern, which are responsible to distinct but complementary command structures. The 25 southern militias are centralised under the Sudanese army, whose intelligence department oversees operational matters. Usually based close to garrison towns, they recruit locally and are personality- and ethnicity-driven. Most of the southern militias operate under the umbrella of the SSDF, many based in oil-rich western Upper Nile. Practically all major urban centres in the region double up as militia headquarters. 

The Popular Defence Forces (PDF) oversee the other northern militias, or Murahilin (meaning travellers), recruited among Arab nomadic communities such as Baqqarah (Arabic for cattle herders) from western and southern Kordofan. First formed in early 1980s mainly to protect the railway between Babanusa, Aweil and Wau in Bahr al-Ghazal, usually operated independently of army. Raids in Bahr al-Ghazal peaked in the mid- and late 1980s, causing famine and widespread abuses. Activities expanded into Darfur and Nuba mountains. The Murahilin were absorbed by the PDF after Bashir took over power in 1989, but remained active under leadership of the hardline Muslim, Sultan Abd al-Baqi Ayiei, and his son, Husayn Abd al-Baqi. They were usually not paid salaries, but compensated with cash "incentives" and given opportunities to loot.

al-Mirghani, Ahmad Ali - One of the leaders of Khatmiyyah sect, deputy chairman of opposition DUP. Based in Egypt and Asmara since 1989. 

al-Mirghani, Muhammad Uthman - Chairman of the DUP and hereditary spiritual guide of the Khatmiyyah - the religious order upon which DUP is based - since 1968. One of the founder members and chairman of the NDA, based in Eritrea.

Muhammad, Ali al-Hajj - NIF member. Minister of internal trade 1988. General investment corporation chairman 1992-93. Minister of Federal Administration Office 1993. NC deputy secretary-general 2000, when he split off and joined Turabi's PNC. 

Muhammad, Kamal Ali - Minister of irrigation and water resources.

Muhammad, Samiyah Ahmad - Minister of welfare and social development.

Nafi, Maj-Gen Dr Nafi Ali - Minister at the Federal Administration Office. NIF member. Minister of state at the presidency 1994. Head of the external security organisation 1995. Minister of Agriculture and Forestry 1996-99. Presidential adviser on peace affairs 1999-2000.

Nahar, Dr Ahmad Babikr - Minister of education and guidance.

National Islamic Front (NIF)  - Islamist movement, established by Hasan Abdullah al-Turabi and other Islamic scholars in 1985. Originated as an Islamist student movement in the 1960s. Engineered and supported the military coup led by Brig (later Lt-Gen) Umar Hasan al-Bashir to overthrow the elected government of Prime Minister Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in June 1989. 

National Congress (NC) - Ruling party in Sudan, latest incarnation of Sudan's Muslim Brotherhood, or NIF before the 1989 coup. Following his fall-out with Al-Bashir in 1999, Al-Turabi with some of his supporters established the rival Popular National Congress (PNC).

National Democratic Alliance (NDA) - Formed in 1995 as an umbrella of opposition and armed groups with headquarters in Asmara, Eritrea, and branch offices in Cairo, Nairobi, Washington, and London. Composed of political parties, trade unions, armed factions and other groups. Includes the DUP, SPLM/A, the General Council of the Trade Union Federations, Beja Congress, the Free Lions Association, the Sudan Liberation Army, the Arab Socialist Ba'th Party, and the Sudanese Communist Party. Chaired by Muhammad Uthman al-Mirghani, the head of DUP. NDA signed agreement in December 2003 in Saudi Arabia with Sudanese government supporting peace negotiations in Kenya with the SPLM/A and calling for a new democratic Sudan benefiting all political parties. The Ummah Party suspended its membership of the NDA on March 2000, but remains committed to the NDA's resolutions and declarations.

Nhial, Cdr Nhial Deng - Chairman of SPLM/A external relations, information and humanitarian affairs commission and key negotiator at peace talks in Kenya. Joined SPLM/A in 1986 with rank of captain, subsequently promoted to commander and appointed SPLM/A governor of northern Bahr al-Ghazal in 1997.

Nicodemus, Kezia Layinwa - SPLM/A commissioner for women, gender and child welfare.

Numayri, Col Ja'far Muhammad - Seized power in a bloodless coup in May 1969. He then formed the Sudanese Socialist Union (SSU), under which Sudan became a one-party state, and was elected president in 1971. In 1983, he divided the south into three regions with the aim of avoiding the domination of the region by the Dinka. He introduced shari'ah law in 1983, followed by martial law in 1984. Opposition to Numayri mounted with the transformation of the Anya Nya rebel movement into the SPLM/A led by John Garang. There was also growing opposition in the north, and in April 1985, Numayri was overthrown in a bloodless coup by his own defence minister and armed forces c-in-c, Lt-Gen Abd al-Rahman Siwar al-Dhahab. Numayri then lived in exile in Egypt until 1999, when he was granted an amnesty and returned to Sudan.

al-Nur, Air Force Maj-Gen Abdullah Ali Safi al-Din - Minister of cabinet affairs. Was serving air force colonel in 1991, promoted to staff brigadier in 1996 and appointed minister of state at the ministry of federal affairs. During 1996 he was appointed minister of state at the foreign ministry. In 1997 he was appointed governor of Northern Darfur State.

al-Nur, Al-Tawm - Commander of Peace Army militia in Bahr al-Ghazal, recruits primarily from Fertit community.

Nyang, Chatyout - Militia leader of Pinylik Forces or Peace Forces, based in Adar/Longochok.

Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) - Established in 1989 as the UN-sponsored umbrella of organisations providing humanitarian aid from Khartoum in northern Sudan, Rumbek in southern Sudan and Lokichkio in Kenya. Made up of over 40 NGOs and a number of UN agencies. Negotiated with government and the SPLM/A to deliver humanitarian assistance to civilians in need, regardless of their location, but regularly denied access through government flight denials. 

Some NGOs operate outside of the OLS umbrella, which means they do not have to seek permission from the government to fly to Sudan and do not have the OLS security back-up and flight options.

Peace Army - Also known as the Fertit Militia in Bahr al-Ghazal, recruits primarily from Fertit community, commanded by Al-Tawm al-Nur.

Popular Defence Forces (PDF) - Paramilitary units organised by the government in 1989. In 1994, PDF training camps were established for all young people of university age, political indoctrination being an important aspect. It was initially envisioned that the PDF would eventually replace the national army as the country's main defence arm. 

Popular National Congress (PNC) - formed by Hasan al-Turabi in 1999 in opposition to ruling National Congress. 

Rasha'idah tribesmen of the Free Lions - Rebel movement in eastern Sudan.

Relief Association of South Sudan (RASS) - Humanitarian wing of the SPDF, led by Riek Machar.

Rizq, Hasan Uthman - Minister of youth and sports. Khartoum State minister of education 1992-95. Governor of Western Kordofan State 1995-97. Governor of Nile River State in 2000. 

Sabdarat, Abd al-Basit Salih - Minister of relations with National Assembly. Minister of education 1992-96. Minister of Justice 1996-98. Adviser to government on political and legal affairs 1998-2000. 

Salih, Maj-Gen Bakri Hasan Salih - Minister of defence. Head of the General Security Organisation 1991-95. Interior minister 1995-98. Minister at the presidency 1998-2000. NIF member.

al-Samani, Al-Samani al-Wasilah Shaykh - Minister of transport. 

Siwar al-Dhahab, Lt-Gen Abd al-Rahman - Led bloodless coup against President Numayri in 1985. In April 1986 he organised the elections which ushered Sadiq al-Mahdi, the leader of the Ummah Party, into power.

South Sudan Coordinating Council (SSCC) - Khartoum-based body responsible for the umbrella of southern militias aligned to the government, the SSDF. Dr Riek Gai Kok, the former governor of Jonglei State, was named as its chairman in November 2002.

South Sudan Defence Forces (SSDF) - Umbrella of government-aligned southern militias, formed in 1997 following the signing of the Khartoum peace agreement between the government, Riek Machar's SSIM/A and five other southern factions. Most southern militias operate under its umbrella. Riek Machar was its head until he left the government in January 2000 and formed the SPDF. Paulino Matip was named its chief of staff in April 2001 at a conference in Juba. In January 2002 Machar realigned with the SPLM/A, but was not supported by all of the SSIM/SSDF/SPDF forces, some of whom still operate in western Upper Nile. There have been efforts at reconciliation between these forces and the SPLM/A, which have been unsuccessful to date.

South Sudan Independence Movement/Army (SSIM/SSIA) - Nuer-dominated militia, led by Riek Machar, who split from the SPLM/A in 1991, to form the SPLM/A-Nasir/United. In 1994 Riek became leader of the SSIM/A and Lam Akol took the name of SPLM/A-United for his faction in west-central Upper Nile. In 1995 Riek and Garang signed a ceasefire and agreed to reintegrate their forces, but in April 1996 Machar signed a deal with the government. In 1997, the SSIM/A merged with the other rebel factions which signed the April 1997 Khartoum peace accord to become the SSDF. 

South Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM) - Government-aligned militia, led by Dr Michael Wal Dwany since late 1999, based in the Akobo area, Upper Nile. In January 2000, he teamed up with John Luk Jok to set up a purely Nuer liberation movement.

South Sudan Unity Movement (SSUM/A) - Militia formed in 1998 by Maj-Gen Paulino Matip of Sudanese army, incorporating forces from Anyana II with Nuer from SSDF, based around Bentiu and Mankien in western Upper Nile. 

Sudan Allied Forces (SAF) - Military wing of some of the parties in the opposition NDA. Played a major role in the opening of a new war front in the east since 1997 when. For much of 2002/2003, SAF forces were idle as their leaders initiated, but failed to carry out a merger with the SPLM/A.

Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) - Rebel group in Darfur that emerged in February 2003, calling for greater political and economic rights in a united Sudan. Its leader is Abd al-Wahid Muhammad Ahmad al-Nur. Formerly the Darfur Liberation Front, a secessionist group, its name was changed on 14 March 2003. 

Sudan People's Democratic Forces (SPDF) - Southern militia formed by Riek Machar from most forces of the SSDF in 2000. In January 2002 Machar merged SPDF with SPLM/A. Some dissenting elements reneged in 2003 and now claim to hold about 10 locations in the Bieh and Latjor areas.

Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) - The SPLA is the military wing of the SPLM, and is subordinate to it. John Garang is both chairman of the SPLM and c-in-c of the SPLA. It is Sudan's largest rebel movement, highly centralised, currently engaged in bilateral peace process with the Khartoum government in Kenya, in favour of a secular, united, democratic Sudan. Secured right to self-determination for southern Sudan in Machakos protocol signed with government in July 2002. Formed in 1983 when Lt-Col John Garang of the Sudanese army was sent to quell a mutiny in Bor of 500 southern troops who were resisting orders to be relocated to the north. Garang encouraged this and other mutinies in other garrisons and set himself up as head of the rebellion against Khartoum. In 1991, split into two factions: one, SPLM/A mainstream led by Garang, who supported a united Sudan, and the other, the SPLM/A-Nasir or -United under Riek Machar, Lam Akol Ajawin and Gordon Kong Chuol, who supported succession for the south and denounced Garang as a dictator. The split followed ethnic lines with the Dinka supporting Garang and the Nuer/Shilluk moving away.

In the first years of its existence, SPLM/A received assistance from Ethiopia, Israel, and Libya. Libya later shifted its support to the Sudanese government after the overthrow of Numayri. In 1991, SPLM/A received an almost fatal blow when the government of Mengistu Haile Mariam was overthrown in Ethiopia, and it lost its most important source of military hardware. In the 1990s the SPLM/A was able to enlist the support of the new governments in Addis Ababa and Asmara, as well as of that of Yoweri Museveni in Uganda, partly in response to the Khartoum government's support for armed opposition movements in those countries. By the latter 1990s, there was also increasing evidence that these neighbouring states were acting as conduits for US military hardware to the SPLM/A, the US having branded the Khartoum government a rogue state in 1996.

Sudan People's Liberation Army-Bor (SPLA-Bor) - Also known as SPLM/A-Upper Nile Group, militia based in South Bor under commander Deng Kelay Riak. 

Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army-United (SPLM/A-United) - Faction of SPLM/A, mostly Nuer, lead by Riek Machar from 1993-4, based in Nasir. Name taken by Lam Akol in 1994 for his Shilluk faction based in Tonga. SPLA-United militia forces still in existence in Nyilwak, despite Lam Akol's realignment with SPLM/A since October 2003.

Sudan Relief Rehabilitation Commission (SRRC) - Humanitarian wing of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, Elijah Malok executive director. Combines Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Association and Relief Association for South Sudan, the humanitarian wings of the SPLM/A and the SPDF respectively.

Sumbeiywo, Lt-Gen Lazarus - Kenyan. Chief mediator in ongoing peace talks in Kenya between the government and SPLM/A.

Taha, Ali Uthman Muhammad - First Vice-President since February 1998, engaged in ongoing face-to-face peace talks in Kenya with John Garang of the SPLM/A since September 2003. NIF deputy secretary-general; NIF member since his days at Al-Qadimah secondary school together with current President Umar al-Bashir. A former judge and hardline leader of the opposition during the 1986-89 democratically elected government led by Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi. Widely believed to have been a key planner of the 1989 coup against Al-Mahdi. Served as foreign minister between 1995 and 1998. Key player in the Islamisation programme in southern Sudan and Nuba Mountains.

Taha, Prof al-Zubayr Bashir - Minister of Science and Technology.

al-Tahir, Maj-Gen (retd) Al-Tijani Adam - Minister of environment and construction development since 2000. Was serving brigadier in 1989 and appointed member of the revolutionary council and political supervisor of Darfur Region. Interior minister 1990-96. Minister of civil aviation 1996-98.

Taj al-Din, Dr Ali Hasan - Presidential adviser.

Takanah, Yusuf Sulayman - Minister of international cooperation.

Tap, John Both - Commander of Canal Mouth Allied Forces, based in Dulayb Hill.

Teny, Buoth - Militia leader in Malakal and Fangak.

Thiik, Justice Ambrose Riny - Head of the SPLM/A judiciary.

Transitional Areas -  Reference to the three areas of the Nuba Mountains, southern Blue Nile, and Abyei, traditionally considered part of the north, following the 1956 administrative boundaries, but currently controlled partly by the SPLM/A. According to the government, not eligible for self-determination as other parts of the south.

Tual, Reth Gai - Militia leader in eastern Upper Nile.

al-Turabi, Dr Hasan Abdullah - Mastermind behind the political and ideological development of the Islamic movement in Sudan. Former academic, Islamic scholar, embarked on political career in mid-1960s after being involved in the founding of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1954. Detained in prison 1969-77 for opposing Numayri. However, he was appointed attorney-general in 1979, then presidential foreign affairs adviser in 1983, when he backed the introduction of shari'ah law. Established the NIF in 1985 with other Islamic scholars. In 1988, the NIF joined a coalition government headed by Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, who appointed him successively as minister of justice,  minister of foreign affairs and deputy prime minister. Following the 1989 coup, when Bashir seized power, Turabi was imprisoned together with al-Mahdi and the DUP leader, Muhammad Uthman al-Mirghani. Released early in 1990 when he declared his readiness to work with the new regime. Elected as an MP in 1996, then as Speaker. In 1999 he fell out with Bashir after signing an agreement with the SPLM/A agreeing to oppose the government's "totalitarian course" and acknowledging the right of southern Sudanese to self-determination. Dismissed from the ruling NC in early 2000, he then formed the PNC. Placed under house-arrest in 2000, released in mid-2003. Currently claiming to be have become a democrat. 

Ummah Party - Opposition party led by ex-Prime Minister Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi. Led by the Islamic Ansar movement, its supporters follow the strict teachings of the Mahdi, who ruled Sudan in the 1880s.

United Democratic Salvation Front (UDSF)- Political wing of the SSDF. 

Uru, Bandindi Pascal - SPLM/A commissioner for agriculture.

Urwah, Maj-Gen Al-Fatih Muhammad, Maj-Gen - Ambassador to UN. NIF member. Was colonel in Numayri's security organisation in 1985. Appointed presidential adviser by Al-Bashir in 1989, and in 1998 as Sudan's ambassador to the UN, a post he still holds to date.

Uthman, Dr Ahmad Bilal - Minister of health. Was minister of state for health in the government overthrown in 1989, briefly detained, then released.

Verification and Monitoring Team (VMT) - Mandated to monitor ceasefire violations in a February 2003 addendum to the Memorandum of Understanding on Cessation of Hostilities between the government and the SPLM/A.

Vraalsen, Eric Tom - UN Special Envoy for Sudan.

White Army - Locally based armed militias loyal to individual chiefs. Ready source of fighters for various groups seeking power.

Yasin, Ali Muhammad Uthman - Minister of justice since 1998. NIF member. Under secretary foreign ministry 1991. Subsequently ambassador to Britain until 1994. Permanent representative to the UN 1994-96.
 
 

Report VI : Peace and the Region

//This is the sixth of a series of reports on prospects for peace in the Sudan. The reports are being published over two months//

With a landmass of over 2 million sq km, Sudan is the largest country in Africa. It has borders with nine countries, all of which will be affected to a greater or lesser degree by the conclusion of a peace deal in their giant neighbour.  A comprehensive peace agreement between the Sudanese government and rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) also has the potential to change the dynamics of the region.
In the 1990s, the Sudanese National Islamic Front (NIF) of President Omar Bashir (who came to power in a military coup in 1989) launched an aggressive Islamist-based foreign policy and tried to export radical Islam to the region. Relations with neighbouring countries, particularly Ethiopia and Eritrea, quickly deteriorated. But the new century has seen a realignment of alliances and shifting allegiances due to factors such as the Ethiopia-Eritrea border war, the ongoing rebellion in northern Uganda and the global war against terror. And undoubtedly one of the greatest effects of a peace deal would be the return of hundreds of thousands of Sudanese refugees to their country from the neighbouring states.

Ethiopia

The Ethiopian government believes the country could reap enormous rewards from lasting peace in Sudan. Bilateral ties have been steadily improving over the last few years, particularly in the aftermath of the Eritrea-Ethiopia war of 1998-2000.
"Peace in Sudan is a harbinger of regional peace," says Information Minister Bereket Simon, stressing that the whole image of the war-ravaged Horn would change in the eyes of the international community. 
"Achieving unity in Sudan within the framework of peace and democracy will offer a significant advantage for both Ethiopia and our region," he told IRIN. 
The government believes that a Sudanese peace deal will also bring an end to religious extremism, fostering greater trade, stability and economic development. Hopes also exist that a lasting solution will bring an end to frequent clashes between rival ethnic groups struggling for ascendancy along the 1,600-km Ethiopia-Sudan border.
Bereket also stated that the "field of operation will be narrowed down" for guerrilla groups intent on destabilising border regions with stable governments.
For Ethiopia cross-border cooperation has been formalised, with the emphasis on boosting the current limited trade levels through business development and oil exports. New negotiations are also underway on fully utilising access and use of the Nile River, which flows from Ethiopia into Sudan. An all-weather road is now linking the north of Ethiopia with Sudan, and Ethiopia benefits from access to Port Sudan and the Red Sea. Telephone networks have been integrated between the two countries, and Ethiopia is delivering excess electricity to Sudan.
The United Nations is also hoping for a "spillover" effect in Ethiopia and Eritrea, two countries emerging from a bloody border war and whose relations are still in deep freeze. "This example of statesmanship in settling a seemingly ingrained and intractable conflict could motivate the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea," said one senior UN peacekeeper.
And while historically, add analysts, Ethiopia's relations with SPLA rebels have been cool in the last decade, they too are warming as peace approaches. SPLA Leader John Garang has visited Addis Ababa twice in recent months meeting Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to brief him on the ongoing peace initiatives.

Eritrea :

Eritrea's relations with Sudan meanwhile have been steadily declining with both sides accusing the other of supporting their rebel groups. Eritrea is historically mistrustful of Khartoum which sought to export radical Islam into the Horn in the mid-1990s. The Sudanese opposition National Democratic Alliance (NDA) has its headquarters in Asmara, the Eritrean capital, although it stresses that it gets no military support from the Eritrean authorities.
Earlier this year, the Eritrean government accused the Sudanese authorities of arresting its nationals and closing community centres frequented by Eritreans in Khartoum. It also believes a new regional alliance, grouping Ethiopia, Sudan and Yemen, is aimed at isolating Eritrea in the region.
The border between Sudan and Eritrea remains closed, although they each have diplomatic representation in each other's capitals. Khartoum has repeatedly accused Asmara of backing Sudanese rebels in a bid to topple the regime, but the Eritrean government denies the charges.
"We don't have an agenda of regime change in Sudan," says Yemane Gebremeskel, Director of the Eritrean President's Office. "If the Sudanese want to change their government, then it's up to them." He admits that bilateral ties are currently poor, but stresses that "there are no insurmountable problems".
Regional analysts say radical Islamist groups seeking to destabilise Eritrea could lose their base if a peace deal is concluded in Sudan. Recently there has been a spate of attacks in western Eritrea, believed to have been carried out by the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (EIJM) - a Sudan-based Eritrean rebel group. 
The EIJM has previously claimed carrying out attacks on the Eritrean military, but denies targeting civilians.

Uganda:

Uganda's relationship with its northern neighbour over the past 20 years has been strained, largely due to each country supporting the other's rebels. At the end of the 1990's, however, a significant warming of relations officially put an end to this although both sides have periodically accused each other of violating a peace pact, signed in Nairobi in 1999. In June 2002, the two countries signed an agreement known as Operation Iron Fist which allowed Ugandan forces to enter Sudan to flush out LRA (Lord's Resistance Army) bases there.
For Uganda, the 'Sudan question' is paramount, regional analysts say. Should peace come to Sudan, there could be an end in sight to northern Uganda's civil war, which has been raging for nearly 18 years and has caused untold mayhem, destruction and massive loss of life. The Ugandan rebel LRA, led by Joseph Kony, bases its operations out of Sudan.
"A comprehensive peace deal which sticks, between Khartoum and the SPLA, will remove the imperative to support the LRA," one analyst said. "Rogue elements in the Sudanese army will no longer feel the need to support Kony because the SPLA will no longer be a threat."
"Once a peace deal is in place, our full attention will turn to the LRA," the SPLA's spokesman in Kampala, George Riek Machar, commented earlier this year.

Kenya:

Kenya, which has borne the burden of thousands of Sudanese refugees on its territory, stands to gain greatly from peace in its northwestern neighbour. Other peace dividends, according to regional analysts, include a reduced influx of illegal firearms from regional war zones and improved economic prospects due to cheaper oil imports.
Local analyst Charles Omondi says the rise in violence in Kenya can be attributed to the ease with which guns are being acquired through porous borders. He also noted that Kenya, which currently imports its crude oil from the Middle East, stands to gain from cheaper Sudanese oil.
"I envisage a situation where one day a pipeline is built to supply Kenya directly with Sudan's crude oil," he told IRIN.
Former defence minister Marsden Madoka, who is currently shadow foreign minister, noted that Kenya has built an image as a regional peacemaker, and a Sudanese peace deal would enhance this image. Kenyan mediation of the IGAD-sponsored peace talks between the government and SPLA rebels has been widely praised.
"What Kenya has been out to do is to play a very neutral role," Madoka told IRIN. "But most important now is the question of peace and stability."
"Instability in any of our neighbouring countries is a great threat to our own instability," he pointed out. "We have a lot of firearms in the country, which has contributed to much instability in Kenya."
Gitau Warigi, a political commentator with the Kenyan 'Daily Nation', also underlined that peace in Sudan would release development funds for other needy countries.
"Poverty has been spreading in the east African region, but Sudan has diverted attention from other issues that the international community should look at," he said.

Central African Republic:

For the CAR, the biggest benefits from a peace deal in Sudan would be trade and the return of over 37,000 Sudanese refugees. The two countries share a border of over 1,000 km with the same ethnic groups on either side. But the civil war in Sudan prompted tens of thousands of refugees to flee into the CAR, ushering in a climate of permanent insecurity.
According to CAR officials, during the dry season SPLA rebels would infiltrate towns and villages in eastern CAR in order to obtain food supplies and other commodities. "They would enter the CAR up to 100-200km from the border," Come Zoumara, the presidential adviser in defence matters told IRIN. 
For the first time in two years, CAR soldiers were able to reach Bangouti 1,500 km east of the capital Bangui, on the border with Sudan, which had been under SPLA control, Gen Antoine Gambi, the army chief of staff revealed earlier this month during a debate on state-owned Television Centrafricaine. 
Hamis Hagar Zat, an adviser at the Sudanese embassy in Bangui, said a peace accord would constitute an enormous boost for trade between the two countries. The decades-long war subjected the southeastern tip of CAR to abject poverty and underdevelopment, due to the long distance separating it from Bangui.
"With peace and stability restored in southern Sudan, people on both sides of the border would engage in trade and commercial exchanges and develop their region," Hagar Zat said. He added that in time, the two governments - which signed a Trade Accord in 1967 - would consider building or repairing roads linking the two countries.
But one of the biggest effects would be the return of the refugees. In February, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) reopened its office in Mboki to educate and organise the voluntary repatriation of refugees.
"The decision to reopen the UNHCR office was motivated by the progress made in negotiations between the rebels and the [Sudanese] government," Jean-Richard Fabomy, a UNHCR field officer, told IRIN. He said the repatriation programme would most likely start in July.

Democratic Republic of Congo :

In the DRC, tens of thousands of Sudanese refugees are also anxiously awaiting the conclusion of a peace deal so that they too can go home. Around 69,000 refugees have been registered by UNHCR, most of them in the northeastern Province Orientale close to the border with Sudan. UNHCR spokesman Fatoumata Kaba said that in theory, the repatriation of refugees should start towards the end of this year. 
"Most of the refugees say they want to go home, but they are waiting for cast iron guarantees regarding the ceasefire, education and infrastructures," he told IRIN. He stressed that the number of registered refugees was "very far from the reality", as thousands more were living outside the camps. Many of them have been in DRC for over 20 years. 
But according to DRC officials, there have not been many problems between the refugees and the local people. "These people are the same on both sides of the border," explained External Trade Minister Roger Lumbala. He was the leader of the former rebel group, Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie/national (RCD/N) which had close ties with SPLA rebels operating from Congolese territory. 
The DRC government meanwhile is launching a diplomatic offensive to boost relations with Sudan. Foreign Minister Antoine Ghonda was due to visit Khartoum  for discussions on issues such as the refugee repatriation. 
According to the US State Department, the DRC's relations with its neighbours, including Sudan, have often been driven by security concerns, leading to intricate and interlocking alliances. The recent crisis in eastern DRC was exacerbated by the use of the Congo as a base by various insurgency groups attacking neighbouring countries, and by the exploitation of Congo's resources by its neighbours. 

Chad:

Ever since fighting broke out in the three Darfur states of western Sudan over a year ago, Chad has been drawn into the Sudan conflict on a different axis. It is currently hosting an estimated 110,000 Sudanese refugees who fled combat between Darfur rebels and Sudanese militias. 
Despite cosy relations between N'djamena and Khartoum, concerns have been raised about regional stability in the area where cross-border ethnic ties are stronger than nationality.  Much of the top brass of the Chadian army belongs to the same Zaghawah ethnic group as many of the refugees. President Idriss Deby of Chad is also a Zaghawah. 
Deby is therefore walking a tightrope, say observers. "He can't afford a falling-out with Sudan," a regional analyst told IRIN. "If he supports his clansmen openly, Sudan will come down on him like a ton of bricks. If he does it covertly, he risks taking the war home with him." 
Whether a peace deal between the Sudanese government and SPLM/A will help bring the deteriorating situation under control remains to be seen, say regional analysts. 
SPLM/A spokesman Yasir Arman maintains that a "democratic solution" to the Darfur conflict will be one of the SPLM/A's first priorities once it enters a transitional government. 
"Any peace agreement is going to inject a new momentum and new ways of looking at things in Sudan. It will allow transformations and political participation," he told IRIN. "If we have an agreement, the present policy of the government is going to change... There will be new thinking for all the parties, including ourselves." 
An EU official noted that a constitutional review is foreseen during the six-year  transition period after a peace deal is signed. "This would be a good opportunity to address the political aspects of the Darfur crisis, but within a broader framework of addressing the issue of marginalisation of various areas," he said.

Egypt:

Egypt and Sudan resumed diplomatic relations in March 2000, which were broken off in 1995 after Cairo accused Khartoum of attempting to assassinate President Hosni Mubarak in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. 
Egypt does not want to see a split Sudan as this would increase the competition for the resources of the Nile river. "Moreover as well as strongly supporting a united Sudan, Egypt has long assumed some extra-territorial rights in Sudan based in historical-cultural linkages, the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium and its assumed natural and historical rights to the waters of the Nile," says Sudan analyst John Young. 
"From such a perspective, Cairo has always favoured an amenable and conciliatory regime in Khartoum," he added. "And no doubt as its premier ally in the region, the US has been influenced by the changing perspectives of Cairo on Khartoum."
"Thus in the present context, Cairo can reasonably conclude that things are moving its way on Sudan...For its part the NIF welcomes Egypt's involvement in the peace process to ensure that self-determination is removed or sufficiently undermined in the peace negotiations," says Young. 
In March, Egypt's ambassador to the UN Ahmed Abul-Gheit stressed his country's interest in maintaining Sudan's territorial integrity and in "bringing about justice, peace and equality to all the people of Sudan". He added that Egypt was keen to get solid international peace guarantees for Sudan.

Libya:

Throughout the 1980s, Sudan's relations with Libya alternated between extreme hostility and cordiality. Observers note that Sudanese leader General Jafar Numayri and Libyan leader Mu'ammar al- Qadhafi were especially antagonistic towards each other. Numayri permitted the opposition Libyan National Salvation Front to broadcast anti-Qadhafi propaganda from radio transmitters located in Sudan. The Libyan government responded by training anti-Numayri opposition forces in Libya and providing financial and material support to the SPLM. 
According to regional analysts, repairing relations with Libya has been a goal of the various governments since 1985. The Sadiq al-Mahdi government allowed Libya to station some of its military forces in Darfur, from where they assisted Chadian rebels in carrying out raids against government forces in Chad. The expanding relations between Sudan and Libya were not viewed favourably in Cairo, and in 1988 - apparently in response to pressure from Egypt and the US - the Sudanese government requested a withdrawal of the Libyan forces.
Observers say relations between Libya and Sudan now can be described as "stagnant" However, Sudanese officials and opposition leaders visit Tripoli occasionally. But Libyan investment in Sudan has dropped to almost nothing. This is largely attributed to lack of Libyan funds after years of sanctions and Qadhafi's displeasure after sponsorship of the peace talks was "hijacked" by the US.
 

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Pastoral Letter of the Sudan Catholic Bishops’ Conference
 
“I WILL MAKE EVERYTHING NEW” (Rev. 21-5)

Dear People of God,

 Peace be with you!
We, the Catholic Bishops of the Sudan, gathered in Nairobi (Jan. 15-22, 2004) for an extraordinary meeting on Peace, call on all the faithful, the people and the leaders of Sudan, and on all people of good will to embrace fully the peace now coming to Sudan.
Peace seems to be finding a home in our land of Sudan. The peace we have desired for so long is among us through the Sudan peace agreement.
Peace is both precious and fragile. Each one of us must embrace it, maintain it and reinforce it. We are all called to build a home for peace, so that we become a people of peace in a peace loving society.
There is no alternative to peace except peace itself. Peace is not a one time consumable gift, presented to us for an isolated moment of enjoyment. But it is a golden opportunity offered to us to change the quality and content of our lives. 
Peace is like the planting of a giant tree that must set deep roots in the soil of our lives and which we must diligently cultivate to produce much fruit. It is the beginning of a season of favour that must never be allowed to end. 
“Now is the time to make everything new”, beginning with new hearts and minds (Rev. 21:5). We need new hearts and minds about the sacredness of human life, which, in the culture of war, had become for some a disposable commodity. To foster peace we must respect the precious gift of life and promote its wholeness with a new spirit

1. Prophetic vision

In 1997, we the Bishops of Sudan wrote a letter in which we expressed our commitment through a well-outlined Vision, Mission and Values to achieve peace in Sudan. We praise God that the vision for a better and happier Sudan, the mission to weaken the forces of evil and strengthen those of goodness, as well as the values based on faith, hope and love, are coming to fulfilment through the signing of the peace agreement and the evident peace prevailing in much of the Sudan. Our commitment to peace should encourage us forward toward the daily building of peace and peace alone. War is always evil and must be opposed by all means. Human beings created in the image of God deserve to live in Peace. War must be no more!

2. Call to peace
Peace is a gift of God, obtained from his mercy through the self-sacrifice, and lives of many soldiers and people, young and old, who died as a consequence of the war and all its evils. Many have experienced a lot of suffering, pain, oppression, enslavement, material and spiritual hunger. In spite of all this we are called to embrace peace, and up-build a world of peace in the Sudan with a new outlook and a firm hope.
Thanks and recognition go to all people of good will in Sudan and from abroad for their patient and steady work in the laborious process of finding ways to bring peace to Sudan.
Gratitude and sympathies go to all war wounded and disabled, to all families who have suffered the loss of their loved ones, and all who are now burdened with the evil consequences of the war. On all of them we implore the gift of serenity amid pain. May they be rewarded with the joy of knowing that their pain has brought peace to the Sudan in the merciful plan of God.
The war is leaving among us many wounds, both spiritual and physical, a lot of pain from violence, hatred, the loss of dear ones and a balance of hopelessness that must be healed. This reality calls every one to a generous and patient commitment to an active agenda of Christian forgiveness, reconciliation and healing that must be energised by the Spirit and power of Christ and through the support of community

3. Our Mission: pursuit of Peace and Common Good

As we accept the precious gift of peace, we must recognise that it is coming from God, and that God is giving us a clear mission and the assurance of his strength. We can reflect on the words of the Gospel of St. Luke, and allow them to come home to us:

 “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, 
 because he has chosen me 
 to bring the good news to the poor.
 He has sent me to proclaim liberty to captives,
 and recovery of sight to the blind and to set free the oppressed, 
 and announce that the time has come when the Lord will heal his people” 
 (Lk 4:18-19).

Our mission is to heal the wounded humanity of Sudan - to restore new life through the healing of memories, freeing hearts and minds, forgiving and bringing about reconciliation. We are called to develop a new vision of life and create new hope. God wants to make everything new through us!
Pope John XXIII in “Peace on earth” teaches us that the four elements in which peace must be planted are truth, justice, love and freedom.  Pope John Paul II adds that the essential climate that allows peace to grow is “ the observance of the universal moral law written on the human heart” (Discourse to UNO,  5.11.95). 
Let us reflect on how these essential ingredients will nourish peace among us.
 

a. Freedom  will build peace and make it thrive if, in the choice of the means to that end, the people act according to reason and assume responsibility for their own actions. Therefore one must free oneself from hatred, tribalism, revengeful attitudes and discrimination of any kind and deepen his/her Christian conviction to respect others and demand their respect. We must exercise the freedom, now bestowed on us, to worship in our communities, to demand our rights and to voice the rights of all our people; to participate in the planning and decision making in our community assemblies and to do the advocacy necessary to promote the good of everyone. We must not allow our freedom to be suppressed again and we must teach the clear meaning of freedom to our children for a healthy and peaceful society.

b.  Love will build peace if people feel the needs of others as their own, and share what they have with others, especially the values of mind and spirit which they possess and bestow forgiveness and reconciliation to everyone. We must “conquer evil with good”(Rom 12:21). The love of reconciliation and forgiveness must prevail over the spirit of revenge and hatred, born from the culture of war. While making ours the structures, symbols and signs of reconciliation in the traditional cultures of our people, we must add to them the love of forgiveness so as to inculturate reconciliation rites with faith values and attitudes brought to all by Christ. He called us to be his ambassadors of reconciliation (2Cor: 5-6). 

c.  Truth will build peace if every individual sincerely acknowledges not only his rights but also his own duties towards others.  There is need to inform and motivate people on the content and responsibilities contained in the Sudan peace agreement and to create the attitude of sharing taking it from the peace agreement. Furthermore, for peace to be planted we must humbly confess to our brothers and sisters the truth of guilt, misconduct and damage we may have done to them.  This admission will open the way to dialogue and lead to reconciliation and peaceful solutions.  Truth entails civic education in all its contents and the formation of people to an honest sense of morality in daily conduct. The word of God is truth and it must become our guide and map on the journey to peace. 

d.  Justice will build peace if in practice everyone respects the rights of others and actually fulfils his duties towards them. We need to honour the social teaching of the Church and civic duties and rights of all. Justice must stimulate all Sudanese to work with full and generous dedication to the common good, i.e. the good and welfare of all. To support dedication to the common good, one must re-embrace altruism, patriotism, namely true operative love of one’s country, and a self-giving attitude. 


The leaders of the nation should constitute the model of working in the pursuit of justice through good and honest governance and by refraining from favouritism toward some, and exclusion of others among the people they are called to serve. With the coming of peace we expect, as our genuine right, that both Church and the entire civil society will find a participatory role in the government decision making. We ask that the voice, the rights and the rightful demands of the people will be integrated in the new legal system and Constitution. Without the active participation of the people in decision-making, we will not achieve a just order in our society or maintain peace.
With the advent of peace the time of absolute decrees from our elected government leaders should give way to a new participatory modality of leadership that will introduce consensus and open dialogue. Therefore we earnestly encourage greater dialogue in all aspects of civil and political decision-making between those in authority and the people they are meant to serve.
e.  Pope John Paul II finally states that the safeguard for peace is the law of God and that the universal moral law is written on the human heart of all. Peace must reawaken the voice of our conscience, that inevitably conveys to each of us joy for the good we do and guilt or bitterness for the evil we commit. The Church, State and all people of good will must join hands to bring lawlessness, criminality and anarchy to an end if peace is to last in Sudan. It is an impending responsibility of those who lead, to exercise good governance by keeping watch over the observance of the law and by providing security among the people through disarming all non military personnel, especially the youth; by preventing crimes and serious misbehaviour such as raids of people, animals or property. 
Citizens must realise that the taking of harmful drugs, sexual misbehaviour or promiscuity and excessive drinking are wrong and directly destructive to the moral order and therefore must be avoided to build a healthy peace-loving society. 
In any granting of amnesty that may be offered, the Church favours a proper process that respects the rights of those who suffered injustices. Experiences in other countries show that peace agreements that grant a blank amnesty for all without involvement in the process of those offended, can become a threat to true reconciliation and peace.

4. Pastoral and prophetic engagement

To sustain our mission of peace making we must trust fundamentally in God, the author and continual source of peace. Therefore our communities must rely on: 
 a) Individual and community prayer, through the fervent and perseverant prayer that we have been lifting to God for many years to obtain the present peace agreement. Our communities must become schools of prayer (John Paul II, At the beginning of the 3rd Millennium).
 b) Deepen the love for the Eucharist. We are indeed preparing for the world Congress of the Eucharist and we, the Sudan Bishops, have described the Eucharist as “Christ’s gift of himself to heal his broken body, the Church”. Sudan has been broken in many ways. Through a deep devotion to the Eucharist, which we intend to develop this year in each diocese, we shall strive to heal and reunite the broken communities of our people.
 c) More frequent reception of the Sacrament of reconciliation to receive from God the grace to be forgiven and to forgive, and be reconciled with others. Such reconciliation is a solid  preparation for receiving the Bread of Life, Jesus Himself, Who is the source of our peace.

Pastoral modalities to deepen the faith
The Church in view of the up-building of peace, which is founded on God, the author of peace, will intensify her efforts for the on-going Christian and Spiritual formation of her people, adopting all forms of Christian instruction such as:
a)  The traditional catechumenates for youth and adults
b)  Christian Family (Domestic Church) education. Insisting with parents to instruct their children in prayer, in the tenets of the faith and developing convictions about loyalty to the church and the preciousness of their faith.
c)  Special Concern for Christian Politicians, Professionals and leaders in general through courses or discussion groups to foster a deeper knowledge of the faith and Christian motivations for service to the community.
d)  Efforts to welcome Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and other Returnees to their home areas and to gather the Christians among them into the Church community and care for their Christian instruction.
e)  Fostering Active Small Christian Communities, Bible sharing, and the empowerment of Christian Groups to engage in the apostolate.
f) Encouraging the use of mass media, audio visual aids, radio.

Prophetic stance

At the beginning of Peace in Sudan, the Church calls God’s people to be open to the light and power of the Spirit; become builders of peace and take a prophetic stance as individuals and as Christian communities. To achieve this, the Church will be active:
a)  To develop deep prayer and reflection to enable us to acquire the spirit and practice of Discernment, namely, the ability to distinguish God’s values and ways to peace, and follow them;
b)  To become acquainted with the healing ministry for a post war population; 
c)  To encourage truthful admission of past actions and the granting of forgiveness and reconciliation;
d)  To lead people from the culture of war and revenge to the culture of justice, love and peace
e)   To be courageous proclaimers of the truth in defence of human dignity and human rights, and to empower individuals and groups to take their civic responsibilities.

5. Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons 

When the bell of  “Peace in Sudan” will ring in towns and cities of Africa and will be echoed in the world, thousands will return back to their homes abandoned years ago, because of the war. It is incumbent to both the returnees and those who have remained in their homes through all the years of the war, to strive and acknowledge the moment of peace as the opportunity to be once again all together as sons and daughters of their ancestral areas. All deserve a fraternal and warm welcome and acceptance.
Much understanding and true Christian compassion will be needed to harmonise the IDPs and Returnees with the home population, since in the many years of separation we have developed differences in style of life and expectations.  Patient endurance will be needed to heal the wounds of broken family ties, made more painful by the loss of our loved ones. 
The international community has been motivated and will continue to be called upon to show solidarity by restoring services and basic survival means to our IDPs and returnees in full cooperation with the interim government and the Church.
 
 
 

6. Church and State cooperation

The Church with the dawning of peace renews her full commitment to fulfill her civil responsibilities and to implement the spirit and action enclosed in the agreements of peace made by those at the peace table and their specific summons to peace building through:

Moral Guidance
The Church intends to participate with the State in the formulation of the spirit and letter of the new Constitution and the renewal of the legal system to safeguard the respect due to the human dignity and rights of all Sudanese people.
The Church remains firmly and freely committed to be the “voice of the people” to proclaim and defend their duties as well as their rights and see that they are respected, catered for and defended, through good governance. In this peace era constructive engagement of the Church with the civil authorities must be developed and sustained. Therefore the Church together with other groups in civil society must have access to decision making within govern-ment structures.
 

Humanitarian Services 
Trusting that the support coming to Sudan from the international community will be shared also with Church groups, the Church will cooperate with and support the State in the rehabilitation of people and services. Indeed such sharing of support will enable the Church to expand its facilities for such rehabilitation in order to offer services in the fields of education, health and complementary humanitarian assistance, particularly on behalf of the marginalized and most vulnerable.
 In this moment of considerable movement of IDPs and Returnees the Church intends to be cooperative and vigilant so that the interim government will provide adequately for the vital humanitarian needs of the people without discrimination or self-interest.

7. Identity of the Church and its vision
In the attempt to restore and maintain peace it is essential that the nature, responsibilities and roles of all must be respected. To prevent false expectations being put on the Church as an institution in civic society, we emphasis once again the identity of the Catholic Church.
“The Catholic Church in the Sudan is the community of the Sudanese who follow the path of Jesus Christ under the guidance of the Bishops and are in communion with the other Christians in the Sudan and around the world under the leadership of His Holiness the Pope.
The Church is well aware that her role is mainly of spiritual nature. However, the Church understands that she cannot achieve her aim without paying attention to the peoples’ material welfare, and without facing the realities of the everyday life of the people in the street.  “The Church, being founded in the love of the Redeemer, contributes towards the spread of justice and charity among nations and within the borders of the nations themselves” (G.S. n. 76, and letter:” The position of the Catholic Church”, 2 Feb. 1995).
It must be clear that the Church is not a Non-Governmental-Organisation (NGO). Nor does the Church intend people to develop a mentality of dependence for their material needs. The Church asserts her right, therefore, to decline any material assistance meant for people, which is not in keeping with her goals, her pledged services or means.

Advocacy – Solidarity and Ecumenical Thrust
The Church guarantees her commitment:

1. To be vigilant and vocal about good governance in the interim period, and the formation of patriotic citizens committed to rebuild their communities in the spirit of justice, reconciliation and peace.
2. To motivate our Christian Agencies and others in the international community which offer financial and technical help and advocacy, to assist in the process of rehabilitation in Sudan in a true spirit of solidarity. 
3. To sustain strong collegiality and solidarity with Conferences of Bishops, Religious Congregations, and Church institutions to help us in the process of peace building, each in keeping with their orientation. This common endeavour will find its fullest realisation through a cultivated ecumenical and interreligious dialogue and action.


Conclusion

We, the Catholic Bishops of Sudan close our pastoral letter on peace, encouraging you to reflect on the words of our Holy Father John Paul II:
“I feel it necessary to say that in the establishment of true peace in the world, justice must find its fulfilment in charity. Justice is frequently unable to free itself from anger, hatred and even cruelty. By itself justice is not enough. Indeed it can even betray itself, unless it is open to that deeper power which is love.
A solution to the grave problems that for too long have caused the suffering in many countries of the world ( Sudan) will not be found until a decision is made to transcend the logic of simple justice and to be open also to the logic of forgiveness.
Love must thus enliven every sector of human life and extend to the international order. Only a humanity in which there reigns the “civilisation of love” will be able to enjoy authentic and lasting peace”  (John Paul II, World Day of Peace, Jan 1, 2004).
 

MEMBERS OF THE
SUDAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS’ CONFERENCE
 

  Nairobi, January 22-2004

 

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15,000 families, 10 churches uprooted by Sudan authorities
 
Friday January 2nd, 2004 21:40.
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By Richard Nyberg 

DAKAR, Senegal, Jan 2, 2004 (BP)--Thousands of Sudanese families have been uprooted by authorities in an ongoing urban re-planning exercise, Compass Direct news service reported Dec. 29. More than 10 makeshift Christian churches and a church-operated vocational training center also have been demolished in and around a sprawling camp for displaced persons. 

Citing sources in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, Compass Direct reported that worship centers erected by Christians fleeing two decades of civil war or natural disaster have been demolished at the Wad el Bashier camp in West Omdurman. Many of the structures were targeted within the last two months; some are affiliated with the Anglican, African Inland and Roman Catholic churches, as well as the Sudan Church of Christ, the sources said. 

"These structures have value for the displaced Christians who put them up as places of worship," Compass Direct quoted one source as saying. "Those who knock them down are tampering with the faith of those believers, because the first thing they want to do is put up a house of the Lord." 

As part of urban planning policies dating back to the early 1990s, poor residential areas in and around the camp, including some squatter camps, are being demolished and residents are slowly being allotted plots of land. But in many cases, they are rendered homeless for several months. 

Sources noted that authorities step up their demolition of churches, schools, health centers and training facilities erected by non-governmental organizations in the windy and cool winter months and most notably just prior to the Christmas season. Some mosques also have been destroyed, as have most latrines, shops and bakeries. Brick-and-concrete structures, however, such as the main Catholic church in the area, are not expected to be demolished, according to a recent United Nations report on conditions in the camp cited by Compass Direct. 

An estimated 15,300 households have been affected by demolition in the areas around the camp, a temporary home to some 50,000 Sudanese. The people are given a "deserted piece of land" without a water supply, where they put up their own shelter and struggle to find medical care, sources told Compass Direct. 

The U.N. report noted that almost 7,500 shelters, houses and latrines will be affected and that the current plan is to demolish the entire area before allocating new plots, rather than carry out the demolition in incremental steps as was the case in the past.

Due to conflict and natural disasters, Sudan now hosts Africa's largest displaced population, currently estimated at more than 4 million people. Most of the people have settled throughout urban areas in Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri, and in four government-designated camps around Khartoum and Omdurman. 

Most of the displaced are from southern Sudan or the Nuba mountains and include such ethnic groups as Baggara, Bari, Dinka, Fur, Nuer, Shilluk, Zagawa and Zandi. The U.N. report noted that the average household contains around seven members and more than 90 percent live below the poverty line. 

Compass Direct also recounted that American evangelist Franklin Graham, president of the international relief organization Samaritan's Purse, met Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir on Dec. 8 when the president invited Graham to the capital. 

"The problems of religious freedom have been tied to the war," El-Bashir said. "As soon as the war is over, the pressure against Christians will be over. We have to be sure that the freedom of religion of Christians is not less than the freedom of Islam. 

"We will take the responsibility to rebuild the churches in this country," El-Bashir added. "We welcome you who have come through the back door for years [meaning southern Sudan] to come through the front door now." 

Graham, an outspoken critic of the Sudanese government's record of religious liberty, was on his third trip to Sudan this year but his first to Khartoum. 

"I hope as peace comes to your nation, that equality will come and that Christians will be able to worship as Muslims can," Graham told his host. "Muslims and Christians can live together peaceably, and I believe that pleases God." 

During his trip to Sudan, Graham delivered 60,000 Christmas gift boxes to children in the contested areas of southern Blue Nile, Nuba Mountains and southern Sudan. 

* Richard Nyberg is a correspondent for Compass Direct news service, on the Web at www.compassdirect.org 

 Copyright (c) 2001 Southern Baptist Convention, Baptist Press
 

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