| New hope
for treatment of killer disease kala-azar
The recent development of a treatment for leishmaniasis, also known
as black fever, a disease that each year afflicts some 500,000 people globally
and kills at least 60,000, offers a ray of hope for thousands of Sudanese
who die each year from the disease for lack of treatment.
The United Nations' World Health Organisation (WHO) said in a statement
this week that scientists had developed a new treatment found to be at
least 95 percent effective in patients who developed the more lethal "visceral"
form of leishmaniasis.
The disease is found in parts of 88 countries, but about 90 percent
of all black fever cases occur in five countries - India, Brazil, Sudan,
Nepal and Bangladesh. In the 1990s, Sudan suffered a crisis with 100,000
deaths among people at risk, according to the WHO.
The symptoms of visceral leishmaniasis include bouts of fever, substantial
weight loss, swelling of the spleen and liver, and anaemia (occasionally
serious). If left untreated, the fatality rate can be as high as 100 percent.
Visceral leishmaniasis can cause large-scale epidemics with high case
fatality. For example, western Upper Nile (also known as Unity, or Wahdah,
State) in southern Sudan experienced a major outbreak between 1984 and
1994. This was the first epidemic in this area, and people were therefore
very susceptible to the disease.
Because of an accumulation of risk factors such as civil unrest, disruption
of health systems, malnutrition, underlying diseases and due to absence
of diagnostic facilities and first-line drugs at local level, the mortality
rate was very high and 40,000 people were reported to have died of the
disease.
WHO cited studies indicating that in some villages up to half the population
succumbed to the disease, and said one report suggested that during this
decade, visceral leishmaniasis claimed 100,000 lives in a population of
around 300,000 in western Upper Nile.
[See: http://www.who.int/emc/diseases/leish/index.html]
In Sudan, where the visceral form is known as kala-azar, leishmaniasis
is most common in the conflict-affected Blue Nile, Upper Nile, Jonglei
and Kassala regions, as well as in the area north of the capital, Khartoum.
There are also indications that the disease is present in the Nuba Mountains
region of Southern Kordofan State, south-central Sudan, according to humanitarian
sources.
Increasing disease activity has also been noted in the eastern state
of Al-Qadarif, notably along the Rahad and Dinder Rivers, while activity
- formerly prevalent - has been decreasing in Sinnar and Sinjah, according
to US-based Programme for Monitoring Emergency Diseases (ProMed).
The international medical organisation Medecins Sans Frontieres complained
in February that systematic looting of the village of Nimne in oil-rich
western Upper Nile had disrupted a kala-azar project with 107 patients
under treatment and a basic health care unit with 1,700 to 2,000 consultations
per month.
Over 40,000 fatal cases were reported from the western Upper Nile between
1984 and 1991, and the death toll among the Nuer and Dinka peoples in southern
Sudan was estimated at 200,000 between 1988 and 1995, it added.
[http://www.fas.org/promed/]
The new drug, Miltefosine, the first oral drug developed against leishmaniasis
has already been approved for use in India, which has half the global burden
of the disease, according to WHO, which was involved in the development
of the treatment with the Indian government, the German biopharmaceutical
company Zentaris, the Tropical Diseases Research, the United Nations Development
Programme and the World Bank.
"This is fantastic progress," WHO Director-General Gro Harlem Brundtland
noted in the statement. "We now have a powerful new tool to fight this
terrible disease. The combined efforts of these partners have opened a
new era in the fight against visceral leishmaniasis. In doing so, we can
free the poor from one of their many burdens."
Considered one of the world's most neglected diseases, leishmaniasis
- a parasitic "wasting" disease, transmitted through the bite of a sand
fly - afflicts some of the world's poorest people, with 80 percent of its
victims earning less than US $2 a day.
Until now, all treatments for leishmaniasis had had substantial drawbacks,
ranging from high cost to high toxicity, and even causing irreversible
damage such as diabetes, the WHO stated this week.
The current treatment for one patient can cost as much as 250,000 Sudanese
pounds (about $97), about eight times the average monthly wages of
a Sudanese government employee, according to ProMed.
The cost of current treatments (Pentostam, antimony, amphotericin B
or pentamidine) is prohibitive for most Sudanese sufferers from leishmaniasis,
and neither do the health authorities in Sudan have the capacity at present
to launch a concerted campaign against the disease - which is not the highest
priority given the depth and breadth of other humanitarian problems in
the country, according to aid workers.
Leishmaniasis disease is often related to environmental changes such
as deforestation, building of dams, new irrigation schemes, urbanisation
and migration of non-immune people to endemic areas, according to the WHO.
http://www.who.int/emc/diseases/leish/leisdis1.html
The disease seriously hampers productivity and vitally needed socioeconomic
progress, and the public health impact has been grossly underestimated
for many years, mainly due to lack of awareness of its serious impact on
health. The incidence of the disease is also severely underestimated, so
that the actual health loss associated with it is greater than official
figures suggest.
(IRIN, Nairobi, 21 June 2002)
Nuba ceasefire
to be renewed but issues remain
The government of Sudan has agreed to an extension of the local ceasefire
agreement in the Nuba Mountains region of south-central Sudan from Thursday,
and the rebel SPLM/A is set to follow suit, but there are still problems
with its scope and implementation.
The National Congress government in Khartoum has committed itself to
extending the ceasefire agreement for another six months, starting from
Thursday 20 June, Republic of Sudan Radio reported on Monday.
And SPLM/A spokesman Samson Kwaje confirmed to IRIN on Wednesday evening
that the rebel movement would also agree to an extension of the ceasefire,
though he said he did not know the duration or other details because the
full results of an SPLM/A-Nuba congress on the matter were still not known.
Additional details would be available on Thursday, when the current
ceasefire agreement comes up for renewal, Kwaje added.
For the government's part, foreign ministry under secretary, Mutrif
Siddiq Ali Numayri, said the agreement would continue along the lines of
the accord reached in January between the government and the SPLM/A-Nuba
region, Sudan Radio broadcast on Monday.
Numayri said the government had agreed to extend the agreement because
of its importance to the peace and stability of the Nuba Mountains region,
Southern Kordofan State, and as a means of promoting its development, the
report added.
The government and SPLM/A-Nuba signed the renewable six-month Nuba
Mountains ceasefire agreement, covering an area of some 80,000 sq km, on
19 January this year, after six days of closed-door negotiations facilitated
by the US and Swiss governments in Burgenstock, central Switzerland.
The agreement has been implemented - and generally adhered to - under
the supervision of a Joint Military Commission (JMC), comprising representatives
of the government, the SPLM/A and of neutral third parties.
The Nuba ceasefire had, so far, brought "mixed results" for the civilian
population of the SPLM/A-controlled areas of Nuba, and needed to translate
into the achievement of minimum food aid targets to avert a looming food
crisis in the region, humanitarian agencies warned in late May.
On the positive side, they said, many Nuba people had welcomed remission
from the threat of military attacks and aerial bombardment, and the unprecedented
return of civilians from government-controlled areas.
However, bureaucratic issues and delays had contributed to a "growing
erosion of confidence in the ceasefire arrangement", and it was essential
to ensure unimpeded humanitarian access and to strengthen the mechanisms
required for effective political pressure to be brought to bear on all
actors, they added.
Due to difficulties in delivering humanitarian assistance in the Nubas,
particularly to SPLM/A-controlled areas, there was "growing evidence" to
suggest that the vulnerability of the population had actually increased
during the life of the ceasefire, partially due to the earlier than usual
exhaustion of household food reserves brought on by the need to support
returnees, according to NGOs organisations active in Sudan.
The government agreed in January to "unfettered humanitarian access
to Nuba" but had continued to delay and deny flights into SPLM/A-controlled
areas until mid-May - just weeks before the rainy season would make airstrips
inaccessible there, Roger Winter, Assistant Administrator at the US Agency
for International Development (USAID), told a US Congressional hearing
on Sudan on 5 June.
In addition, "the government had launched a massive dry-season offensive
in the oilfields [including western Upper Nile]... aided by thousands of
its forces redeployed as a result of the Nuba Mountains ceasefire," John
Prendergast, co-director for Africa of the International Crisis Group told
a US Congressional hearing on 5 June.
The importance of the Nuba Mountains ceasefire agreement was that it
was "formal and detailed", and included the element of independent verification,
which may offer "a small model to look at" for other areas of war-torn
Sudan, according to humanitarian and diplomatic sources.
lso, flight clearance was being carried out by the JMC, and not the
government, and people were enjoying a new freedom of movement, a start
to economic revitalisation and "an overall feeling of optimism", according
to Roger Winter. There was now some hope of using this successful initiative
as a model for zones of tranquillity in which to assist vulnerable populations
elsewhere in Sudan, he added.
Yet, John Prendergast argued at the same Congressional hearing that
"well-meaning efforts to secure Days of Tranquillity and localised ceasefires
was misplaced", when what was needed was "blanket access for humanitarian
aid" and an end to the warring parties' veto over where relief agencies
could provide people in need with assistance.
"We have legitimised the veto over and over again, most recently with
the focus on the Days of Tranquillity," Prendergast complained, saying
that Washington and the UN must re-focus on the fundamental objective of
humanitarian diplomacy: the principle of unfettered access.
(IRIN, Nairobi, 19 June 2002)
IGAD talks threatened
by Kapoeta seizure
The government of Sudan has warned that it may pull of out peace talks
with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) over the rebel
group's seizure - in a lighting attack on Sunday 9 June - of the garrison
town of Kapoeta in Eastern Equatoria, southern Sudan.
The presidential peace adviser, Ghazi Salah al-Din al-Atabani, said
the government would complain to the US about the rebel attack, because
it contravened a truce (signed in December and due to expire at the end
of June) covering the areas between Kapoeta, Pibor and Boma, and intended
to allow for cattle vaccinations.
The SPLM/A has celebrated the seizure of Kapoeta as a disaster for
the government and a major victory for itself, saying that it killed some
200 soldiers and seized vehicles, arms and food supplies. Rebel sources
have also spoken of following up on the victory by attempting to capture
the strategic, government-held towns of Torit and Juba.
The SPLM/A lost control of Kapoeta to the government in 1991, but said
it had no intention of relinquishing control again. "Of course, we are
committed to peace talks, but this will not stop us from continuing military
operations," an SPLA commander, Oyai Deng Ajak, told the BBC in Kapoeta.
The Sudanese army had already pledged to reassemble its forces and
retake Kapoeta, and there had already been several Antonov bombing
attacks on the town, the report added.
Humanitarian sources told IRIN on Thursday of a shocking situation
in Kapoeta, with bodies lying on the ground, and of a truck which hit an
antitank mine, with an unknown number of casualties, in Kapoeta.
Foreign journalists were flown into Kapoeta, where they bore witness
to the sight and smell of dead government soldiers lying in earthen trenches,
with the SPLM/A in no hurry to bury them.
Atabani said Khartoum would ask the US to demand an immediate halt
to SPLM/A actions, and that the seizure of Kapoeta could affect future
peace talks and other agreements, according to Reuters news agency.
Peace talks are scheduled to open under the auspices of the regional
Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Kenyan capital,
Nairobi, on Monday.
During April, the US peace envoy to Sudan, John Danforth, said both
sides had offered proposals to IGAD suggesting "a rethinking of previously
held positions", and had thereby shown it was possible to agree on contentious
issues and to permit international monitoring of the implementation of
their agreements.
Yet there is not much hope held out for significant progress at the
current round of IGAD talks, years of previous talks having produced
little, especially as there were "no new ideas on the table" and no serious
international pressure on the government or SPLM/A to negotiate seriously,
according to regional analysts.
The Sudanese government has demanded that the SPLM/A "forego all of
the military advantage which it has gained because of the illegal attack",
and stop any other attacks in that part of the country.
Muhammad Ahmad Dirdiery, charge d'affaires at the Sudanese embassy
in Nairobi, said Kapoeta was in a "Zone of Tranquillity" under an agreement
brokered by Danforth, in order to allow the eradication of rinderpest,
a claim which the SPLM/A has denied.
Dirdiery told the BBC that the SPLA had taken "undue advantage" of
the period of tranquillity to seize Kapoeta, and that the US response would
determine the nature of Khartoum's participation in the IGAD talks set
for Nairobi.
Danforth said in May that the usefulness of outside intervention would
depend on the willingness of the parties to the conflict to live up to
any commitments made, and that any participation by the US should be reviewed
continually in light of this. "A breakdown in the implementation of the
four test agreements would bring into question the parties' commitment
to peace," he added.
Meanwhile, a ceasefire agreement in the Nuba Mountains area of Southern
Kordofan, south-central Sudan, has generally held, although it has effectively
diverted government and rebel military forces to western Upper Nile and
northern Bahr al-Ghazal, where fighting has intensified, according to media
and humanitarian sources.
(IRIN, Nairobi, 14 June 2002)
Food delivery
hindered by access denials in Sudan
The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has expressed concern
over the continued humanitarian access denial to the oil-rich region of
western Upper Nile in southern Sudan, where constant insecurity, resulting
from ongoing fighting between the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army
(SPLM/A), and the Sudan government, has caused the displacement of tens
of thousands of civilians.
Laura Melo, WFP spokeswoman for the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes
region, told IRIN on Wednesday that the issue of humanitarian access denials
to specific areas of southern Sudan was not a new situation.
However, she added, the decision by the Sudanese government to deny
relief agencies access to western Upper Nile (also known as Unity/Wahdah
State) in the past three months was increasing the vulnerability of civilians,
whose food supply from harvests garnered earlier in the year was already
thinning out.
"For the past three months, Unity State has been one of the areas most
affected by these flight denials. But because we have been denied access,
we can't go there so we don't know what the situation there is like," Melo
said.
"We have been attempting to solve the access problems to areas in the
southern Sudan, with particular emphasis on western Upper Nile, because
it is one of the most vulnerable areas in southern Sudan," she added. "They
are now in the lean season and, as the year advances, their harvest will
continue to run out."
During the month, WFP, which works with other relief agencies in southern
Sudan under the Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) consortium, distributed
some 5,255 mt to some 875,000 beneficiaries, representing 51 percent of
the total tonnage planned for the month of May in the southern sector.
The agency stated that nearly 20 percent of the shortfall in planned
deliveries in southern Sudan in May affected the Nuba Mountains, where
WFP had delivered only a small amount of food while sorting its logistical
system.
However, it cited insecurity and flight denials in western Upper Nile
and Bieh State as the main reasons for the overall shortfall.
In addition to western Upper Nile/Unity State, humanitarian access
has been denied to wide areas of Bahr al-Ghazal, Tambura (in Western Equatoria),
Yei (in Bahr al-Jabal) and Upper Nile.
At the start of April, some 40 locations in southern Sudan were listed
by the government of Sudan as being denied both flight access and general
humanitarian access "for security reasons", which effectively cut off humanitarian
supply lines into many parts of western Upper Nile, Eastern Equatoria and
Bahr al-Ghazal, according to relief officials.
On 16 May, the Khartoum administration further increased restrictions
on humanitarian access by announcing a flight ban for the entire area of
Unity State (encompassing western Upper Nile).
The Sudanese government has demanded the transportation of relief materials
and humanitarian aid to affected areas from within Sudan and not from "centres
abroad", on the basis of transparency, clarity and national sovereignty.
Karam al-Din Abd al-Mawla, the Sudanese Minister for International
Cooperation, said on 29 May that the success and management of OLS relief
operations to affected populations depended on its positioning within
Sudan, which would also provide cheaper land and river delivery alternatives
to costly air transportation of relief materials.
A number of human rights groups have accused the Khartoum government
of waging a depopulation war against civilians in western Upper Nile region,
as part of a wider plan to gain control of oil-rich areas.
According to a report by the European Coalition on Oil in Sudan, released
in May, an estimated 50,000 civilians have been forced to flee recent military
operations.
"Civilians continue to be forcibly displaced, villages burned to the
ground, and helicopter gunships still kill women and children in the south,"
the report charged.
"The resulting vast empty regions support the allegation that the government
is knowingly and deliberately depopulating this oil-rich area in order
to make it secure for oil business," according to the report, entitled
"Depopulating Sudan's Oil Region".
Khartoum denies targeting civilian populations in oil areas, and has
blamed the SPLM/A for escalating military operations and causing the deterioration
of humanitarian conditions in Unity/western Upper Nile.
Responding to the accusations, Muhammad Ahmad Dirdeiry, charge d'affaires
at the Sudanese embassy in Nairobi told IRIN on Wednesday that it was becoming
increasingly difficult to "regulate the war", in the light of mounting
accusations which both sides have traded regarding violation of agreements
in a number of regions declared tranquillity zones.
"These accusations are not new," he said. "This only indicates that
it is very difficult to regulate war. The antidote to all these problems
really is a comprehensive ceasefire."
The government of Sudan has consistently called for a comprehensive
ceasefire in order to create conditions conducive to peace, while the SPLM/A
argues that such a ceasefire is only possible within the context of a political
settlement that delivers a just and sustainable peace.
"We appeal to the international community to redouble efforts for a
comprehensive ceasefire," Dirdiery added.
(IRIN, Nairobi, 12 June 2002)
1.8 million Africans
displaced during 2001
At least 1.8 million Africans fled their homes due to conflict during
2001, the U.S. Committee for Refugees (USCR) has said in its latest global
report on refugees and displaced people.
'The World Refugee Survey 2002', which was released on Thursday, said
those who fled in 2001 brought to at least 13.9 million the number of Africans
who "remained uprooted at the start of 2002 as a result of long-term violence
and repression." Sudan, it added, was the largest source of uprooted people,
with 4.4 million of its people displaced.
The USCR estimated that some 1.1 million people fled Liberia and Sierra
Leone. Angola, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Kenya, and
Somalia also provided large numbers of displaced people.
DRC, Kenya and Sudan also figured among the five African countries
hosting the largest numbers of refugees. The other two are Tanzania and
Zambia.
The Washington D.C-based organisation deplored the fact that peace
efforts in numerous countries had not brought genuine peace. Other obstacles,
including insufficient funding from the international community, hampered
the work of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and other aid agencies.
The situation will remain "unchanged for the foreseeable future unless
peace negotiations and post-conflict humanitarian assistance prove to be
genuine efforts, rather than half-hearted gestures," the USCR said.
The 2000 report contains reports on refugee situations in 38 African
countries and reviews 133 countries worldwide. The USCR is a nonprofit
humanitarian organisation that works for the protection and assistance
of
refugees, asylum seekers and internally displaced persons around the world.
[For more information about USCR and its report, please visit http://www.refugees.org
]
(IRIN, Abidjan, 10 June 2002)
Khartoum condemns
hostility at US Congress hearing
Nairobi, 10 June 2002 (IRIN) - The Sudanese presidential peace adviser,
Ghazi Salah al-Din al-Atabani, has criticised certain US groups' "enmity"
towards the government of Sudan in the wake of the US Congressional hearing
on the country on 5 June.
Salah al-Din said in a press statement that certain groups hostile
to the Sudanese government wanted to confuse American policy towards the
country, and these would weaken any progress achieved by the US peace envoy,
John Danforth, the official Sudan News Agency (Suna) reported on Sunday.
The special Congressional hearing, was another effort to help advance
the quest for peace in Sudan, according to Henry J. Hyde, chairman of the
US Committee on International Relations.
Khartoum had officially asked to participate in the hearing in order
to explain its point of view and "reflect facts", according the Sudanese
ambassador to the US, Khidr Harun Ahmad, as cited by Suna on Saturday.
The request was rejected on the basis that governments were not usually
invited to participate in these sittings, according to Khidr Harun, who
said he had hoped to moderate the "flagrant hostility" of most of the participants,
and guarantee balance in the session.
Some of the institutions of the US administration were confused or
dishonest, and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) had
called for "confiscation [erosion] of the sovereignty of the Sudan government",
Suna quoted Salah al-Din as saying. The demands included in the USAID testimony
to Congress would be rejected by Khartoum, he added.
Roger Winter, USAID assistant administrator, testified at the hearing
that Khartoum was erecting bureaucratic and operational barriers to the
delivery of humanitarian assistance in Sudan, in a manner "so consistent
as to amount to a deliberate strategy".
There was credible evidence that the frequency of attacks on civilians
was increasing, and Khartoum had restricted access to western Upper Nile,
where veteran aid workers had described the condition of 150,000 to 300,000
internally displaced people as "the worst they have ever seen", he said.
USAID hoped to make use of Washington's political leverage to support
the UN in its efforts "to negotiate cross-line access and eliminate government
of Sudan access denials", Winter said.
The agency was also exploring ways to revisit the current flight clearance
system in order to "move beyond the government's unilateral ability to
veto humanitarian flights", often for political reasons, he added.
There have been positive achievements (like a ceasefire in the Nuba
Mountains, and progress on the issues of slavery and abductions), but Khartoum
still seems to be of two minds, "poised on the edge between a peace and
war mentality", according to Winter.
Salah al-Din also criticised proponents of the draft Sudan Peace Act
in the US, under which Washington would impose restrictions on oil companies
operating in Sudan.
Numerous speakers suggested at the Congressional hearing that the US
should move forward with this act (currently languishing in legislative
limbo) in order to provide leverage on oil companies involved in Sudan,
and thus on the Sudanese government, to engage meaningfully in a peace
process.
US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Walter H. Kansteiner
said the White House was opposed to sections of the proposed legislation
which would sanction access oil companies active in Sudan, because it would
be "a precedent for political interference in US capital markets".
American companies are already barred from investing in Sudan, which
remains on Washington's list of state sponsors of terrorism.
Khidr Harun said at the weekend that it was pressure groups intent
on distorting the image of Sudan that were pushing for the Sudan Peace
Act. Sanctions against international firms engaged in oil production in
Sudan would "eliminate even the modest gains in the standard of living
of ordinary Sudanese, both north and south", he said, in a note for the
record of the US Congress hearing.
Khartoum, he said, was prepared to "adhere to the principles of sharing
of power and wealth among all the peoples of Sudan", but bold action by
the government of Sudan must be matched by bold action from the US to see
through to the end its current peace initiative.
US hearing
links peace efforts, humanitarian access
Nairobi, 7 June 2002 (IRIN) - Despite the misery being caused by the
Sudanese civil war - Africa's longest-running and bloodiest - very little
is being done to end the suffering of the helpless and innocent, Henry
J. Hyde, chairman of the US Committee on International Relations, told
a special Congressional hearing on Sudan on Wednesday.
"Somewhere in that land of misery today, a child will die, a mother
will lose a limb and young women will be enslaved," he stated, saying Wednesday's
hearing was another effort, one of many in the past decade, to help push
the quest for peace in Sudan.
"Unfortunately, a new generation of southern Sudanese are growing up
in the midst of war and hopelessness," Hyde said, adding that the Sudanese
government, which came to power by ousting a democratically elected government
in 1989, "continues to mount a brutal military campaign against its powerless
masses in the south".
He expressed regret that the US Senate had so far failed to appoint
conferees in order to reconcile different versions of the Sudan Peace Act,
which the US House of Representatives passed in June 2001 "in an effort
to address some of the problems facing Sudan, to provide assistance to
those fighting for democracy and freedom, and to punish those who trade
in 'blood oil'".
The US special peace envoy to Sudan, John Danforth, recently concluded
that "this is the time for a major push for a compromise settlement", and
that was, indeed, the case, according to numerous speakers at Wednesday's
hearing, including Sudanese born Francis Deng, a senior academic at the
US-based Brookings Institution, Massachusetts, USA.
Danforth's "pragmatic approach and incremental achievements on humanitarian
issues" had generated a momentum for peace within and outside Sudan, he
said, but the situation now required more assertive US leadership to end
the war.
"What is most needed now is a policy on Sudan - one in which the US
is a central player, "Michael K. Young, chairman of the US Commission on
International Religious Freedom, said.
Bringing into force the House of Representatives-approved version of
the Sudan Peace Act (now languishing in limbo, reportedly at the behest
of the US administration) was a crucial first step in such a policy, in
order to provide leverage on oil companies involved in Sudan, and thus
on the Sudanese government, he added.
That point was echoed by Eric Reeves, a vocal opponent of the Khartoum
government, who said it would be unwise to see the confidence-building
measures proposed by Danforth as a clear and decisive policy response,
when what was needed was to hold the Sudanese government to "a clear timetable
and set of benchmarks in a fully credible and unified peace process".
Too often the Danforth report had "put the cart before the horse",
with the peace envoy "unwilling to see that many important issues [including
humanitarian access, the safety of civilians and an end to slavery and
abductions] simply cannot be resolved without first securing a just peace",
Reeves added.
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Walter H. Kansteiner
testified that the Sudanese conflict had gone on too long, and that Washington
was committed to pushing all the actors involved "to a serious, comprehensive
and, hopefully, lasting peace process".
US strategic interests in Sudan involved denying it as a base of operations
for international terrorism, working on a just and lasting peace, and pushing
for unhindered humanitarian access, improved human rights and religious
freedom, he said.
"We must now work diligently to demand deeds rather than mere words
and, in this regard, the government in Khartoum will have much to prove,"
Kansteiner said. "The US considers the onus of ending the civil war rests
squarely on the shoulders of the government."
He also emphasised the "inextricable link" between the search for peace
in Sudan and gains in humanitarian access and human rights.
This was also a theme addressed by Roger Winter, Assistant Administrator
of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), who said the government
of Sudan was erecting too many bureaucratic and operational barriers to
the delivery of assistance to vulnerable populations, in a manner "so consistent
as to amount to a deliberate strategy".
"The GoS [government of Sudan] continually obstructs the delivery of
humanitarian assistance and the implementation of [rehabilitation and development]
programmes in opposition areas. It delays operations, violates agreements,
and denies access to humanitarian flights," he said.
In addition, the frequency of attacks on civilians was increasing,
with credible reports from western Upper Nile [also known as Unity, or
Wahdah, State] that the government military campaign was "directly targeting
civilians and food stocks through intensified, high-altitude bombings and
helicopter gunship attacks," Winter testified.
The government had restricted access to western Upper Nile, where an
estimated 150,000 to 300,000 civilians have been displaced from their homes,
and veteran aid workers have described the state of internally displaced
people as "the worst they have ever seen," he said.
"Khartoum seems to be of two minds, poised on the edge between a peace
and a war mentality," according to Winter.
The surest way it could now display its peaceful intentions to the
US, which had committed itself to being a catalyst for peace, would be
to "fully collaborate with US and UN humanitarian initiatives by providing
unrestricted international humanitarian access to civilians in need", he
added.
|